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Right to abortion for victims of rape Right to abortion for victims of rape
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In Darfur, Congo and other conflict-affected states, I have understood the need to respond to the fact that sexual violence is a brutal and specific consequence of war (Britain pledges £180m to help tackle rape crisis in Congo, 27 March). However, there is no mention of the continuing and significant gaps in the international response to this global scourge. The major providers of humanitarian services routinely exclude abortion as an option to girls and women raped in armed conflict, giving as their reason the fact that it is illegal in the country involved. But under the provisions of the Geneva conventions and under international humanitarian law, women have an absolute right to non-discriminatory care when rape is used as a weapon of war in armed conflict. That is precisely why we need to hear a clear policy statement from the UK on issues related to abortion and war victims, and also on the impact of US abortion restrictions on DfID-funded aid. In theory, the UK is not directly affected by the US "no abortion" foreign aid restrictions, but in practice, because funds are not segregated, the ban is applied across the board. This means that women and girls suffer additional trauma because they have to carry to term the pregnancy resulting from rape.In Darfur, Congo and other conflict-affected states, I have understood the need to respond to the fact that sexual violence is a brutal and specific consequence of war (Britain pledges £180m to help tackle rape crisis in Congo, 27 March). However, there is no mention of the continuing and significant gaps in the international response to this global scourge. The major providers of humanitarian services routinely exclude abortion as an option to girls and women raped in armed conflict, giving as their reason the fact that it is illegal in the country involved. But under the provisions of the Geneva conventions and under international humanitarian law, women have an absolute right to non-discriminatory care when rape is used as a weapon of war in armed conflict. That is precisely why we need to hear a clear policy statement from the UK on issues related to abortion and war victims, and also on the impact of US abortion restrictions on DfID-funded aid. In theory, the UK is not directly affected by the US "no abortion" foreign aid restrictions, but in practice, because funds are not segregated, the ban is applied across the board. This means that women and girls suffer additional trauma because they have to carry to term the pregnancy resulting from rape.
The government should join Norway and publicly call for the inclusion of abortion in all medical services in humanitarian settings and must urge the US to lift its restrictions on abortion services for victims of war. The special rights of women raped in war must be incorporated into DfID policies and should recognise their right to the same access to medical treatment as other war victims.
Glenys Kinnock
Lab, House of Lords 		The government should join Norway and publicly call for the inclusion of abortion in all medical services in humanitarian settings and must urge the US to lift its restrictions on abortion services for victims of war. The special rights of women raped in war must be incorporated into DfID policies and should recognise their right to the same access to medical treatment as other war victims.
Glenys Kinnock
Lab, House of Lords
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