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| Labour should embrace Commons voting reform, not fear it | Labour should embrace Commons voting reform, not fear it |
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| The McKay report published last Monday offers a workable approach to tackling the West Lothian question, a constitutional riddle that has outwitted some of the finest political minds since Gladstone first wrestled with it during debates on Irish home rule in the nineteenth century. McKay calls on the House of Commons to adopt a principle which expects UK governments to act with the consent of English MPs when proposing English-only legislation. That would not give them a veto; the proposals sensibly reject giving English MPs a right to block English-only laws, as that would create constitutional chaos on the rare occasions when a UK government lacks a majority in England. | The McKay report published last Monday offers a workable approach to tackling the West Lothian question, a constitutional riddle that has outwitted some of the finest political minds since Gladstone first wrestled with it during debates on Irish home rule in the nineteenth century. McKay calls on the House of Commons to adopt a principle which expects UK governments to act with the consent of English MPs when proposing English-only legislation. That would not give them a veto; the proposals sensibly reject giving English MPs a right to block English-only laws, as that would create constitutional chaos on the rare occasions when a UK government lacks a majority in England. |
| These proposals succeed in giving England greater recognition in our constitutional arrangements and are sufficiently flexible to work in practice – a major advantage over some other versions of the 'in and out' approach to the problem. | These proposals succeed in giving England greater recognition in our constitutional arrangements and are sufficiently flexible to work in practice – a major advantage over some other versions of the 'in and out' approach to the problem. |
| Few, however, expect any movement on West Lothian before the general election and certainly not before the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. It is believed that any attempt to strengthen the role of English MPs vis-à-vis Scottish MPs will play into the hands of the nationalists. (Quite why anyone thinks addressing an anomaly which the vast majority of Scottish voters also believe to be unfair will weaken the case for the union is a mystery.) | Few, however, expect any movement on West Lothian before the general election and certainly not before the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. It is believed that any attempt to strengthen the role of English MPs vis-à-vis Scottish MPs will play into the hands of the nationalists. (Quite why anyone thinks addressing an anomaly which the vast majority of Scottish voters also believe to be unfair will weaken the case for the union is a mystery.) |
| The West Lothian question wouldn't matter were it not for two factors. First, public opinion in England has shifted significantly since devolution. | The West Lothian question wouldn't matter were it not for two factors. First, public opinion in England has shifted significantly since devolution. |
| Survey evidence from the Institute for Public Policy Research shows that over time devolution has created a sense among the English electorate that they are getting a raw deal from a union that they believe privileges the other nations, particularly Scotland. | Survey evidence from the Institute for Public Policy Research shows that over time devolution has created a sense among the English electorate that they are getting a raw deal from a union that they believe privileges the other nations, particularly Scotland. |
| Importantly, there is also evidence to suggest that the English no longer trust UK-wide political institutions to pursue and defend English interests. As McKay says, the status quo is no longer tenable. | Importantly, there is also evidence to suggest that the English no longer trust UK-wide political institutions to pursue and defend English interests. As McKay says, the status quo is no longer tenable. |
| Second, politics: the uneven territorial distribution of political power across the UK significantly politicises the debate on West Lothian, with reform believed to favour the Conservatives (who have few MPs outside of England) and punish Labour with its strong powerbase in Scotland and Wales. | Second, politics: the uneven territorial distribution of political power across the UK significantly politicises the debate on West Lothian, with reform believed to favour the Conservatives (who have few MPs outside of England) and punish Labour with its strong powerbase in Scotland and Wales. |
| Labour is unionist by temperament, ideology and history. But it is fearful of the English question because it believes any answer to the challenges it poses will weaken the party politically. In particular, Labour MPs fear that any restrictions to Scottish representation at Westminster will make it harder for the party to form a UK government. For this reason it conspicuously failed to engage with McKay. | Labour is unionist by temperament, ideology and history. But it is fearful of the English question because it believes any answer to the challenges it poses will weaken the party politically. In particular, Labour MPs fear that any restrictions to Scottish representation at Westminster will make it harder for the party to form a UK government. For this reason it conspicuously failed to engage with McKay. |
| But these fears are not only exaggerated, they're also dangerous since they risk alienating Labour from English voters if it is seen to oppose reforms that have strong public support. | But these fears are not only exaggerated, they're also dangerous since they risk alienating Labour from English voters if it is seen to oppose reforms that have strong public support. |
| The mythology surrounding Labour's Celtic heartland overplays the party's historic dependence on Scottish MPs, in particular. Elections in which Scottish MPs have been decisive are relatively rare. | The mythology surrounding Labour's Celtic heartland overplays the party's historic dependence on Scottish MPs, in particular. Elections in which Scottish MPs have been decisive are relatively rare. |
| Only on two occasions since the war has a Labour UK government being formed when it lacked a majority in England: these were the short-lived parliaments of 1964-66 and February-October 1974, when Labour had thin or negligible majorities in the Commons. In other words when Labour wins, it usually wins in England too. | Only on two occasions since the war has a Labour UK government being formed when it lacked a majority in England: these were the short-lived parliaments of 1964-66 and February-October 1974, when Labour had thin or negligible majorities in the Commons. In other words when Labour wins, it usually wins in England too. |
| That is not to say that, in an era of hung parliaments and coalitions, Scottish (and Welsh) MPs might not tip the balance more often in the future. It is rarely acknowledged, for instance, that if a Lib-Lab coalition had been formed in May 2010 (a very big if) it would not have had a majority of seats in England. | That is not to say that, in an era of hung parliaments and coalitions, Scottish (and Welsh) MPs might not tip the balance more often in the future. It is rarely acknowledged, for instance, that if a Lib-Lab coalition had been formed in May 2010 (a very big if) it would not have had a majority of seats in England. |
| But McKay's proposals would not mean that a UK Labour government would be held hostage by a Tory majority in England. It would, in such circumstances, have to negotiate with English MPs, but this is surely grown-up politics. | But McKay's proposals would not mean that a UK Labour government would be held hostage by a Tory majority in England. It would, in such circumstances, have to negotiate with English MPs, but this is surely grown-up politics. |
| If this seems messy, think about the alternative scenario of not doing anything. Labour would be forced to ride roughshod over English MPs week-in, week-out. This is surely democratically unsustainable, not to mention more politically precarious. | If this seems messy, think about the alternative scenario of not doing anything. Labour would be forced to ride roughshod over English MPs week-in, week-out. This is surely democratically unsustainable, not to mention more politically precarious. |
| Instead of fearing reform, Labour should embrace it. They should champion a stronger voice for England in a fairer and more resilient union. Jon Cruddas rightly wants Labour to be a party that stands-up for England and celebrates the resurgence of contemporary Englishness. But the party will struggle to live up to these expectations if it ducks West Lothian. | Instead of fearing reform, Labour should embrace it. They should champion a stronger voice for England in a fairer and more resilient union. Jon Cruddas rightly wants Labour to be a party that stands-up for England and celebrates the resurgence of contemporary Englishness. But the party will struggle to live up to these expectations if it ducks West Lothian. |
| Equally, providing a clearer English dimension in Westminster will on its own be insufficient to give meaningful expression to rising English cultural and political sentiment. It must be combined with a Labour agenda for England which promotes a radical devolution of power within England, to its cities, towns and localities. | Equally, providing a clearer English dimension in Westminster will on its own be insufficient to give meaningful expression to rising English cultural and political sentiment. It must be combined with a Labour agenda for England which promotes a radical devolution of power within England, to its cities, towns and localities. |
| For Labour political strategists the central point to grasp is that reform in this area is inevitable and it could prove potentially disastrous for Labour if it is forced to play catch-up on the politics of England (as it proved for the Tories with their neglect of devolution in Scotland.) | For Labour political strategists the central point to grasp is that reform in this area is inevitable and it could prove potentially disastrous for Labour if it is forced to play catch-up on the politics of England (as it proved for the Tories with their neglect of devolution in Scotland.) |
| If the polls are to be believed then the most likely outcome in 2014 is not independence in Scotland but some form of Devo More. The Scottish Tories call this week for stronger fiscal powers for Holyrood is the latest move by unionist parties north of the border to seek a stronger settlement. | If the polls are to be believed then the most likely outcome in 2014 is not independence in Scotland but some form of Devo More. The Scottish Tories call this week for stronger fiscal powers for Holyrood is the latest move by unionist parties north of the border to seek a stronger settlement. |
| As more powers are devolved to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the clearer England comes into view, the bigger the West Lothian anomaly becomes, and the harder it will be to resist reform. | As more powers are devolved to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the clearer England comes into view, the bigger the West Lothian anomaly becomes, and the harder it will be to resist reform. |
| No matter how much some voices in Labour want the debate about England to go away, the simple fact is that forces are now in play both within England and across the UK as a whole that mean that English question cannot remain unanswered. | No matter how much some voices in Labour want the debate about England to go away, the simple fact is that forces are now in play both within England and across the UK as a whole that mean that English question cannot remain unanswered. |
| There are parallels – and lessons - with Tory attitudes to franchise reform in the nineteenth century. For years Tories feared that franchise extension would spell political doom for them. | There are parallels – and lessons - with Tory attitudes to franchise reform in the nineteenth century. For years Tories feared that franchise extension would spell political doom for them. |
| It was Disraeli who recognised that the only thing that was inevitable was reform itself and that to survive the Tories needed to turn political change to their own advantage. His brand of one nation conservatism provided the bedrock for Tory success in a democratic age. On England, Labour needs its own Disraeli moment. | It was Disraeli who recognised that the only thing that was inevitable was reform itself and that to survive the Tories needed to turn political change to their own advantage. His brand of one nation conservatism provided the bedrock for Tory success in a democratic age. On England, Labour needs its own Disraeli moment. |
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