'Devolution and Westminster: how productive are non-English MPs?' diff viewer (0/1)

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Devolution and Westminster: how productive are non-English MPs?	Devolution and Westminster: how productive are non-English MPs?
2013-03-27 08:35:03 UTC	2013-09-27 01:20:38 UTC (6 months later)
Ministers in the UK government are considering whether to take action on one of the most sensitive and potentially contentious issues at Westminster: limiting the rights of MPs from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to vote and decide on "England only" legislation.	Ministers in the UK government are considering whether to take action on one of the most sensitive and potentially contentious issues at Westminster: limiting the rights of MPs from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to vote and decide on "England only" legislation.
But that in turn raises an equally thorny issue: if non-English MPs are to have a more restricted role in the Commons, are as many needed? Are they as busy as they once were? Scottish Tories are privately suggesting the numbers of Scottish MPs might need to be cut: a move which would most likely reduce the number of Labour MPs at Westminster the most.	But that in turn raises an equally thorny issue: if non-English MPs are to have a more restricted role in the Commons, are as many needed? Are they as busy as they once were? Scottish Tories are privately suggesting the numbers of Scottish MPs might need to be cut: a move which would most likely reduce the number of Labour MPs at Westminster the most.
There was evidence in the earlier years of devolution that MPs from other parts of the UK were often much less busy, but a new Guardian survey suggests that is no longer true: Scottish and Welsh MPs in particular are amongst the busiest at Westminster – particularly the Scottish National party. Compared to the early years of devolution, when MPs had not yet adjusted, today's non-England MPs are highly active.	There was evidence in the earlier years of devolution that MPs from other parts of the UK were often much less busy, but a new Guardian survey suggests that is no longer true: Scottish and Welsh MPs in particular are amongst the busiest at Westminster – particularly the Scottish National party. Compared to the early years of devolution, when MPs had not yet adjusted, today's non-England MPs are highly active.
It is a debate best known as the West Lothian question – posed in 1977 by the then Labour MP for West Lothian, Tam Dalyell.	It is a debate best known as the West Lothian question – posed in 1977 by the then Labour MP for West Lothian, Tam Dalyell.
A critic of devolution of Westminster's law-making powers to the proposed Scottish assembly, Dalyell conundrum was this: why, under devolution, Scottish MPs could still vote on English policies while English MPs could not vote on devolved Scottish affairs?	A critic of devolution of Westminster's law-making powers to the proposed Scottish assembly, Dalyell conundrum was this: why, under devolution, Scottish MPs could still vote on English policies while English MPs could not vote on devolved Scottish affairs?
Variants of this question have been around since the late 1800s, tied then to proposals for Irish home rule. But, after 14 years of devolution of wide-ranging and increasing powers to the Scottish and Welsh legislatures, and the successful reformation of Northern Ireland's powerful assembly, that question is still very live.	Variants of this question have been around since the late 1800s, tied then to proposals for Irish home rule. But, after 14 years of devolution of wide-ranging and increasing powers to the Scottish and Welsh legislatures, and the successful reformation of Northern Ireland's powerful assembly, that question is still very live.
On Monday, McKay Commission inquiry set up by UK ministers stated that an answer to the West Lothian question was needed, to ensure the Commons better reflected the specific interests of England, given that Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland now have domestic legislatures controlling large areas of policy and law-making.	On Monday, McKay Commission inquiry set up by UK ministers stated that an answer to the West Lothian question was needed, to ensure the Commons better reflected the specific interests of England, given that Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland now have domestic legislatures controlling large areas of policy and law-making.
While it rejected cutting the number of non-England MPs on principle, as that would undermine Westminster's role as the ultimate law-making body for the UK, it recommended that new measures and policies were put in place to ensure that in future, England-only bills were framed by only MPs from English seats. They would not have a veto to overrule the whole parliament, but the basic principle ought to be "English votes for English laws".	While it rejected cutting the number of non-England MPs on principle, as that would undermine Westminster's role as the ultimate law-making body for the UK, it recommended that new measures and policies were put in place to ensure that in future, England-only bills were framed by only MPs from English seats. They would not have a veto to overrule the whole parliament, but the basic principle ought to be "English votes for English laws".
McKay stated: "The status quo clearly cannot be sustained. Our proposals retain the right of a UK-wide majority to make the final decisions where they believe UK interests or those of a part of the UK other than England should prevail. We expect that governments will prefer compromise to conflict."	McKay stated: "The status quo clearly cannot be sustained. Our proposals retain the right of a UK-wide majority to make the final decisions where they believe UK interests or those of a part of the UK other than England should prevail. We expect that governments will prefer compromise to conflict."
The Guardian survey has used three core activities in the Commons to compare how active MPs from the different nations are: voting, participating in debates and placing written parliamentary questions.	The Guardian survey has used three core activities in the Commons to compare how active MPs from the different nations are: voting, participating in debates and placing written parliamentary questions.
These three tests – the most visible of activities – have given us a snapshot picture of how busy MPs from the different parts of the UK have been at Westminster. We used data from theyworkforyou.com on how many questions they asked and debates they spoke in for the year from 1 February 2012, and figures from publicwhip.org.uk for every vote since the 2010 general election.	These three tests – the most visible of activities – have given us a snapshot picture of how busy MPs from the different parts of the UK have been at Westminster. We used data from theyworkforyou.com on how many questions they asked and debates they spoke in for the year from 1 February 2012, and figures from publicwhip.org.uk for every vote since the 2010 general election.
It was designed to test how devolution of often significant legal and policy-making powers to the three devolved legislatures in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast has reduced or changed the workload and work rate of MPs from those nations and regions.	It was designed to test how devolution of often significant legal and policy-making powers to the three devolved legislatures in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast has reduced or changed the workload and work rate of MPs from those nations and regions.
The Guardian's study has found Scottish and Welsh MPs are often as active as their English counterparts – in some case more so. The results for Northern Ireland are more complicated: its five Sinn Fein MPs as supporters of a reunited Ireland, do not take up their seats on principle. Even so, the performance of Northern Irish MPs is very mixed.	The Guardian's study has found Scottish and Welsh MPs are often as active as their English counterparts – in some case more so. The results for Northern Ireland are more complicated: its five Sinn Fein MPs as supporters of a reunited Ireland, do not take up their seats on principle. Even so, the performance of Northern Irish MPs is very mixed.
Our survey, which captured every vote in since the 2010 election and all debates and parliament questions for the last year, gives a snapshot comparison of how national groups of MPs behave. It has found that:	Our survey, which captured every vote in since the 2010 election and all debates and parliament questions for the last year, gives a snapshot comparison of how national groups of MPs behave. It has found that:
1. Scottish MPs voted on average in 65% of all votes, and Welsh MPs in 73%, compared to 75% of votes by English MPs on average. This is narrower gap than 10 years ago, perhaps reflecting the significance of UK-wide policies such as welfare, the economy, and defence, and the much tighter political balance in the Commons, which means votes can be closer.	1. Scottish MPs voted on average in 65% of all votes, and Welsh MPs in 73%, compared to 75% of votes by English MPs on average. This is narrower gap than 10 years ago, perhaps reflecting the significance of UK-wide policies such as welfare, the economy, and defence, and the much tighter political balance in the Commons, which means votes can be closer.
2. The six Scottish National party MPs, who have a largely observed policy not to vote on bills which have no direct impact on Scotland, only took part in 47.6% of votes.	2. The six Scottish National party MPs, who have a largely observed policy not to vote on bills which have no direct impact on Scotland, only took part in 47.6% of votes.
3. Northern Irish MPs, even excluding the five abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs who refuse on principle to take their seats at Westminster, only took part in 45% of all votes compared to 76% by English MPs or 65% by Scottish MPs.	3. Northern Irish MPs, even excluding the five abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs who refuse on principle to take their seats at Westminster, only took part in 45% of all votes compared to 76% by English MPs or 65% by Scottish MPs.
This could reflect Stormont's far greater degree of control over domestic policy in Northern Ireland, which includes welfare and pensions. Even so, they spoke in 57 debates last year on average, against 37 for English MPs.	This could reflect Stormont's far greater degree of control over domestic policy in Northern Ireland, which includes welfare and pensions. Even so, they spoke in 57 debates last year on average, against 37 for English MPs.
4. SNP, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs were – on average – more likely to speak in parliamentary debates last year: SNP MPs took part in 44 debates on average, against an average of 37 debates for English MPs. Welsh MPs spoke in 43.7 debates. But Northern Irish MPs spoke the most: excluding the four Sinn Fein abstainers, they took part in 57 debates each on average.	4. SNP, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs were – on average – more likely to speak in parliamentary debates last year: SNP MPs took part in 44 debates on average, against an average of 37 debates for English MPs. Welsh MPs spoke in 43.7 debates. But Northern Irish MPs spoke the most: excluding the four Sinn Fein abstainers, they took part in 57 debates each on average.
5. And SNP MPs – now repeatedly probing the UK government over independence-related issues – were, as a group, again top of the chart for asking parliamentary questions.	5. And SNP MPs – now repeatedly probing the UK government over independence-related issues – were, as a group, again top of the chart for asking parliamentary questions.
On average, the six SNP MPs asked 131 questions last year, because Angus Robertson, the SNP Westminster leader and defence spokesman, tabled 345 Pqs, with Mike Weir putting down 174 and Eilidh Whiteford 113. This average was nearly double the Scottish average of just under 70 questions and well above the English average of 55 PQ.s	On average, the six SNP MPs asked 131 questions last year, because Angus Robertson, the SNP Westminster leader and defence spokesman, tabled 345 Pqs, with Mike Weir putting down 174 and Eilidh Whiteford 113. This average was nearly double the Scottish average of just under 70 questions and well above the English average of 55 PQ.s
6. Welsh MPs were also very active with parliamentary questions: they averaged 76.5 each in the year from February 2012 and 2013.	6. Welsh MPs were also very active with parliamentary questions: they averaged 76.5 each in the year from February 2012 and 2013.
7. Some of the overall totals are skewed by extremely active individual MPs. For example, the Scottish MP Tom Greatrex, a shadow Labour energy minister, asked 515 PQ.s, while the Welsh Labour backbencher Chris Ruane asked 601 PQ.s – the record in our snapshot survey.	7. Some of the overall totals are skewed by extremely active individual MPs. For example, the Scottish MP Tom Greatrex, a shadow Labour energy minister, asked 515 PQ.s, while the Welsh Labour backbencher Chris Ruane asked 601 PQ.s – the record in our snapshot survey.
By comparison, the median or midpoint number for Pqs tabled by Scottish MPs is 34 and 32 for Welsh MPs, against 30 for English MPs.	By comparison, the median or midpoint number for Pqs tabled by Scottish MPs is 34 and 32 for Welsh MPs, against 30 for English MPs.
The West Lothian question leapt to life several times under Tony Blair's Labour government: some Tory MPs, including senior figures such as former leader William Hague, Ken Clarke and Sir Malcolm Rifkind, argue it is wrong for Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs to have undue control over bills and policies only affecting England.	The West Lothian question leapt to life several times under Tony Blair's Labour government: some Tory MPs, including senior figures such as former leader William Hague, Ken Clarke and Sir Malcolm Rifkind, argue it is wrong for Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs to have undue control over bills and policies only affecting England.
The McKay inquiry stated that "the political resonance of the West Lothian question is at its greatest" when a UK government uses MPs from outside England to control the Commons, to outvote English opposition MPs.	The McKay inquiry stated that "the political resonance of the West Lothian question is at its greatest" when a UK government uses MPs from outside England to control the Commons, to outvote English opposition MPs.
The commission said these occasions are very rare: it has not happened in the post-devolution era and previously only between 1964 and 66, and briefly in early 1974, when England returned a Tory majority and Labour needed Scottish and Welsh backbenchers to force through legislation.	The commission said these occasions are very rare: it has not happened in the post-devolution era and previously only between 1964 and 66, and briefly in early 1974, when England returned a Tory majority and Labour needed Scottish and Welsh backbenchers to force through legislation.
The commission did not mention that in 1965, Ulster unionist MPs allied with the Tory opposition to vote down Harold Wilson's plan to nationalise the steel industry: he was furious, as there was no steel industry in Northern Ireland.	The commission did not mention that in 1965, Ulster unionist MPs allied with the Tory opposition to vote down Harold Wilson's plan to nationalise the steel industry: he was furious, as there was no steel industry in Northern Ireland.
There is a second scenario: where a government in power has used MPs from non-English seats to overcome a rebellion by its own backbenchers on English or English and Welsh legislation.	There is a second scenario: where a government in power has used MPs from non-English seats to overcome a rebellion by its own backbenchers on English or English and Welsh legislation.
This happened twice for Labour since devolution situation, over foundation hospitals and tuition fees, when Scottish backbenchers voted en masse in favour of English and Welsh measures opposed by many English Labour MPs, saving Tony Blair's bills.	This happened twice for Labour since devolution situation, over foundation hospitals and tuition fees, when Scottish backbenchers voted en masse in favour of English and Welsh measures opposed by many English Labour MPs, saving Tony Blair's bills.
In parallel with these debates, researchers with University College London's constitution unit and think tanks found evidence that Scottish MPs caught up in the immediate post-devolution period were less busy but also often behaved as if devolution had not occurred.	In parallel with these debates, researchers with University College London's constitution unit and think tanks found evidence that Scottish MPs caught up in the immediate post-devolution period were less busy but also often behaved as if devolution had not occurred.
Guy Lodge, a leading devolution analyst now with the Institute for Public Policy Research, and Oonagh Gay, found that Scottish MPs took part in fewer votes between 1999 and 2001. Lodge did a further study which found that in 2002-03, Scottish MPs were still putting questions to ministers with much less or no direct relevance to Scottish affairs, including the Home Office, transport and culture.	Guy Lodge, a leading devolution analyst now with the Institute for Public Policy Research, and Oonagh Gay, found that Scottish MPs took part in fewer votes between 1999 and 2001. Lodge did a further study which found that in 2002-03, Scottish MPs were still putting questions to ministers with much less or no direct relevance to Scottish affairs, including the Home Office, transport and culture.
A study by Akash Paun, published in the constitution unit's "The State of the Nations 2008", found that in 2006 English Labour backbenchers spent far more on postage than their Scottish and Welsh counterparts: £4,137 versus £2,866 by Scottish backbenchers and £2,773 by Welsh. (The overall differential was lower: £3,633 on average for all English MPs versus £2,885 for Scottish MPs and £2,555 for Welsh.)	A study by Akash Paun, published in the constitution unit's "The State of the Nations 2008", found that in 2006 English Labour backbenchers spent far more on postage than their Scottish and Welsh counterparts: £4,137 versus £2,866 by Scottish backbenchers and £2,773 by Welsh. (The overall differential was lower: £3,633 on average for all English MPs versus £2,885 for Scottish MPs and £2,555 for Welsh.)
Paun also found that in 2004 English MPs did an average of 31.8 hours on constituency and local work, versus 24.4hrs by Scottish MPs and 27.6 by Welsh.	Paun also found that in 2004 English MPs did an average of 31.8 hours on constituency and local work, versus 24.4hrs by Scottish MPs and 27.6 by Welsh.
Compared to MPs moulded in the pre-devolution era when the Commons controlled all the UK's policies, devolution analysts such as Alan Trench and senior figures in the UK parties believe that MPs from devolved areas have adapted. They now have a better understanding of how to make Westminster work for them, when half their constituency work was gone.	Compared to MPs moulded in the pre-devolution era when the Commons controlled all the UK's policies, devolution analysts such as Alan Trench and senior figures in the UK parties believe that MPs from devolved areas have adapted. They now have a better understanding of how to make Westminster work for them, when half their constituency work was gone.
The latest generation of MPs, particularly those newly elected in May 2010, are said to be more aware of the significant role they can play in the Commons on reserved powers, like the economy, welfare, trade and defence. Their constituency workload is much reduced: so they switch to UK level politics and policy.	The latest generation of MPs, particularly those newly elected in May 2010, are said to be more aware of the significant role they can play in the Commons on reserved powers, like the economy, welfare, trade and defence. Their constituency workload is much reduced: so they switch to UK level politics and policy.
(Welsh MPs do have more reserved powers to work on: the Home Office in London, for instance, still controls policing and courts in Wales. It does not do so in Scotland.)	(Welsh MPs do have more reserved powers to work on: the Home Office in London, for instance, still controls policing and courts in Wales. It does not do so in Scotland.)
But perhaps more significantly, Scottish and Welsh MPs are more active and visible in the Commons because the Tories are in power. As Scotland and Wales tend to elect proportionately more Labour MPs and have strong nationalist parties, so the Commons becomes their main battleground. Likewise, when the Tories were in opposition, the power and influence of non-England MPs at Westminster was a source of irritation and grievance.	But perhaps more significantly, Scottish and Welsh MPs are more active and visible in the Commons because the Tories are in power. As Scotland and Wales tend to elect proportionately more Labour MPs and have strong nationalist parties, so the Commons becomes their main battleground. Likewise, when the Tories were in opposition, the power and influence of non-England MPs at Westminster was a source of irritation and grievance.