This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.
You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/on-the-middle-east/2013/mar/01/egypt-islamists-tunisia-tunisia-morsi
The article has changed 6 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.
| Version 0 | Version 1 |
|---|---|
| Brothers in pragmatism: riding the wave of change in the Arab spring | Brothers in pragmatism: riding the wave of change in the Arab spring |
| (about 1 month later) | |
| Two years into the Arab spring — has anyone really got a better name? — one of the few generalizations that can safely be made about countries as different as Tunisia and Syria is that Islamist organizations of varying hues, which were banned or semi-tolerated under the old dictatorships, have emerged as the biggest winners. | Two years into the Arab spring — has anyone really got a better name? — one of the few generalizations that can safely be made about countries as different as Tunisia and Syria is that Islamist organizations of varying hues, which were banned or semi-tolerated under the old dictatorships, have emerged as the biggest winners. |
| The governments in Cairo and Tunis are dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood or similar parties. Related movements are influential in Jordan, Morocco and Libya. The MB is a significant element of the Syrian opposition though jihadi-type groups have also emerged in the fight against the Assad regime. In the Gulf monarchies, jittery over changes elsewhere, the Brotherhood is demonized, especially in the UAE and Kuwait. Qatar is reviled for supporting it. | The governments in Cairo and Tunis are dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood or similar parties. Related movements are influential in Jordan, Morocco and Libya. The MB is a significant element of the Syrian opposition though jihadi-type groups have also emerged in the fight against the Assad regime. In the Gulf monarchies, jittery over changes elsewhere, the Brotherhood is demonized, especially in the UAE and Kuwait. Qatar is reviled for supporting it. |
| Alison Pargeter's book on the Brotherhood was published to critical acclaim in 2010 but before a desperate young Tunisian burned himself to death and sparked the uprising that overthrew Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. Using both interviews and written sources, it provided a level-headed survey of an elusive Pan-Islamic organization that has been part of the Arab political landscape since Hassan al-Banna founded it 80 years ago. But until 2011 it had not been able to test its famous slogan that "Islam is the solution." | Alison Pargeter's book on the Brotherhood was published to critical acclaim in 2010 but before a desperate young Tunisian burned himself to death and sparked the uprising that overthrew Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. Using both interviews and written sources, it provided a level-headed survey of an elusive Pan-Islamic organization that has been part of the Arab political landscape since Hassan al-Banna founded it 80 years ago. But until 2011 it had not been able to test its famous slogan that "Islam is the solution." |
| Now a well-timed paperback edition with a new final chapter offers some penetrating insights on the two dramatic years in which the Brotherhood moved from opposition to power. The MB's famous discipline, honed underground, in prison or in exile, guaranteed a strong performance when Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak were ousted. No secular or liberal group was nearly as ready for action or to contest free elections. | Now a well-timed paperback edition with a new final chapter offers some penetrating insights on the two dramatic years in which the Brotherhood moved from opposition to power. The MB's famous discipline, honed underground, in prison or in exile, guaranteed a strong performance when Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak were ousted. No secular or liberal group was nearly as ready for action or to contest free elections. |
| Caution, however, turned out to be the order of the season. The Egyptian Ikhwan followed the young activists of Tahrir square – and were accused of jumping on the revolutionary bandwagon while trying to do deals with the powerful military. Self-preservation, not the struggle for freedom and democracy, was their main concern. | Caution, however, turned out to be the order of the season. The Egyptian Ikhwan followed the young activists of Tahrir square – and were accused of jumping on the revolutionary bandwagon while trying to do deals with the powerful military. Self-preservation, not the struggle for freedom and democracy, was their main concern. |
| Its ambitions were initially modest. Sharply aware of its bad image, the Brotherhood repeatedly pledged that it would not seek to dominate parliament or capture the presidency — but moved the goalposts and ended up doing just that. Mohamed Morsi's inclusive pledge to rule "for all Egyptians" was no slip of the tongue. Many of his countrymen, and not just Copts and women, feared he would not. | Its ambitions were initially modest. Sharply aware of its bad image, the Brotherhood repeatedly pledged that it would not seek to dominate parliament or capture the presidency — but moved the goalposts and ended up doing just that. Mohamed Morsi's inclusive pledge to rule "for all Egyptians" was no slip of the tongue. Many of his countrymen, and not just Copts and women, feared he would not. |
| In Tunisia Rashid Ghannouchi's an-Nahda had a wide appeal. Its moderate message resonated with ordinary people to the tune of 41% of the vote in 2011 – remarkable given the country's secular tradition. Ghannouchi forbade followers to greet him when he flew home from exile in Britain to avoid any echo of Khomeini's return to Iran in 1979. | In Tunisia Rashid Ghannouchi's an-Nahda had a wide appeal. Its moderate message resonated with ordinary people to the tune of 41% of the vote in 2011 – remarkable given the country's secular tradition. Ghannouchi forbade followers to greet him when he flew home from exile in Britain to avoid any echo of Khomeini's return to Iran in 1979. |
| Egyptians and Tunisians both faced challenges from Salafi groups which are less organized and range from the ardently conservative to the dourly fanatical—a reminder that Islamism covers a wide spectrum of views — and condemn the Brothers for not being Islamic enough. | Egyptians and Tunisians both faced challenges from Salafi groups which are less organized and range from the ardently conservative to the dourly fanatical—a reminder that Islamism covers a wide spectrum of views — and condemn the Brothers for not being Islamic enough. |
| It is not easy to get the tone right. Hamadi Jebali, Tunisia's prime minister, caused an uproar when he hailed the "sixth caliphate" after an-Nahda's victory and underlined a lack of clarity about the relationship between Sharia law, shura (consultation) and democracy. | It is not easy to get the tone right. Hamadi Jebali, Tunisia's prime minister, caused an uproar when he hailed the "sixth caliphate" after an-Nahda's victory and underlined a lack of clarity about the relationship between Sharia law, shura (consultation) and democracy. |
| For the Ikhwan, Pargeter suggests, "democracy is still essentially about elections and voting rather then being a wider concept of democratic culture related to individual rights and freedoms." Nothing though, has happened to validate the old scaremongering saw about "one man, one vote, once" — used to justify crushing the Algerian FIS in 1992 and ushering in a decade of bloody civil war. | For the Ikhwan, Pargeter suggests, "democracy is still essentially about elections and voting rather then being a wider concept of democratic culture related to individual rights and freedoms." Nothing though, has happened to validate the old scaremongering saw about "one man, one vote, once" — used to justify crushing the Algerian FIS in 1992 and ushering in a decade of bloody civil war. |
| The pragmatic view is that the challenges of wielding power, fixing the economy and delivering services are the best antidote to mixing piety and politics. Electoral behaviour is in any event unlikely to remain frozen. But overall, Pargeter concludes, the Brotherhood has – so far - been a resounding success: | The pragmatic view is that the challenges of wielding power, fixing the economy and delivering services are the best antidote to mixing piety and politics. Electoral behaviour is in any event unlikely to remain frozen. But overall, Pargeter concludes, the Brotherhood has – so far - been a resounding success: |
| "It has managed to posit itself as the authentic voice that can bring Islam to the core of every aspect of life, including politics. It is this authenticity that enabled the movement to reach out beyond the revolutions and beyond the realm of elitist politics and touch the masses. For the time being at least the Brotherhood has proved itself more in tune with the people than either its political rivals or its predecessors could ever hope to be." | "It has managed to posit itself as the authentic voice that can bring Islam to the core of every aspect of life, including politics. It is this authenticity that enabled the movement to reach out beyond the revolutions and beyond the realm of elitist politics and touch the masses. For the time being at least the Brotherhood has proved itself more in tune with the people than either its political rivals or its predecessors could ever hope to be." |
| guardian.co.uk today is our daily snapshot of the top news stories, sent to your inbox at 8am |