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Lord Rennard: low profile belied his influence on British politics Lord Rennard: low profile belied his influence on British politics
(35 minutes later)
As the mastermind behind some of the startling by-election wins that would become a Liberal trade-mark, the relative low profile of Lord Rennard in the public eye belies his influence on British politics stretching back across three decades. As the mastermind behind some of the startling byelection wins that would become a Liberal trademark, the relative low profile of Lord Rennard in the public eye belies his influence on British politics stretching across three decades.
Among colleagues, his supposed cunning earned him the sobriquet of 'reynard', after the fabled fox associated with trickery in European fairytales, while the inevitable comparisons have also been regularly made with Labour's Peter Mandelson. Among colleagues, his supposed cunning earned him the sobriquet of "Reynard", after the fox associated with trickery in European fairytales, while inevitable comparisons have also been made with Labour's Peter Mandelson.
A notable early coup came at the age of just 23, when he helped to achieve a 14% swing for the Liberal Party against the Conservatives while working in 1983 as an election agent in the Mossley Hill constituency of his home town, Liverpool. A notable early coup came at the age of 23, when he helped to achieve a 14% swing for the Liberal party against the Conservatives while working in 1983 as an election agent in the Mossley Hill constituency of his home town, Liverpool.
Born Christopher John Rennard in July 1960, after a grammar school education he attended Liverpool University, achieving a 2:2 in politics and economics. By then he was already immersed in the type of community politics that he would continue to hone over the course of his career and use to devastating affect in constituencies regarded as safe by other parties. Born Christopher John Rennard in July 1960, after a grammar school education he attended Liverpool University, achieving a 2:2 in politics and economics. By then he was immersed in the type of community politics that he would continue to hone over the course of his career and use to devastating effect in constituencies regarded as safe by other parties.
After Liverpool, he had a guiding hand in Liberal/Alliance by-election campaign teams during the 80s before his appointment as director of campaigns and elections for the Liberal Democrats a year after the party's 1988 formation. After Liverpool he had a guiding hand in Liberal/Alliance byelection campaign teams during the 80s before his appointment as director of campaigns and elections for the Liberal Democrats a year after the party's 1988 formation.
In the same year he was made an MBE and married Ann McTegart, a fellow party activist with whom he later set up a campaign, communications and fund-raising consultancy.In the same year he was made an MBE and married Ann McTegart, a fellow party activist with whom he later set up a campaign, communications and fund-raising consultancy.
Notable Liberal Democrat parliamentary by-election successes which followed included Eastbourne (1990), Kincardine & Deeside (1991), Newbury (1993), Christchurch (1993), Eastleigh (1994), Littleborough & Saddleworth (1995), Winchester (1997) and Romsey (2000). Notable Liberal Democrat parliamentary byelection successes that followed included Eastbourne (1990), Kincardine & Deeside (1991), Newbury (1993), Christchurch (1993), Eastleigh (1994), Littleborough & Saddleworth (1995), Winchester (1997) and Romsey (2000).
A template for victory also emerged: flood a target area with activists, attempt to engage voters face-to-face as often as possible, convince them that the Lib Dems are in with a chance, and emphasise local issues such as hospitals or schools threatened with closure. The approach became known as 'pavement politics'. A template for victory also emerged: flood a target area with activists, attempt to engage voters face-to-face as often as possible, convince them the Lib Dems are in with a chance, and emphasise local issues such as hospitals or schools threatened with closure. The approach became known as "pavement politics".
A life peerage as Lord Rennard of Wavertree in the County of Merseyside came in 1999 and Rennard served as the Lib Dems' chief executive from 2003 before departing in 2009 on health grounds. A life peerage as Lord Rennard of Wavertree in the County of Merseyside came in 1999, and Rennard served as the Lib Dems' chief executive from 2003 before departing in 2009 on health grounds.
It wasn't always a steady career ascent however. A less than convincing performance by the party during the 2005 general election is regarded a career low point, although his reputation was salvaged the following year by a shock byelection victory (the 13th masterminded by Rennard) in Dunfermline and West Fife, which served as a much needed boost for a party reeling from the fall of its leader, Charles Kennedy, and a scandal surrounding MP Mark Oaten. It wasn't always a steady career ascent, however. A less than convincing performance by the party during the 2005 general election is regarded as a career low point, although his reputation was salvaged the following year by a shock byelection victory (the 13th masterminded by Rennard) in Dunfermline and West Fife, which served as a boost for a party reeling from the fall of its leader, Charles Kennedy, and a scandal surrounding MP Mark Oaten.
Away from the election front-line too, Rennard's influence was also regarded as a pivotal, including during during changes at the very top of his party. He is said to have been among a group of Liberal Democrat figures in 2004 who confronted Kennedy about his drinking. He had marked out a young Nick Clegg for higher things as far back as the mid 1990s, later pinpointing Sheffield Hallam as a parliamentary base for him in 2002 following the resignation of the sitting MP Richard Allan. Away from the election frontline, too, Rennard's influence was also regarded as pivotal, including during changes at the top of his party. He is said to have been among a group of Liberal Democrat figures in 2004 who confronted Kennedy about his drinking. And he had marked out a young Nick Clegg for higher things as far back as the mid 1990s, later pinpointing Sheffield Hallam as a parliamentary base for him in 2002 following the resignation of the sitting MP Richard Allan.
As the returning officer during the Lib Dem leadership contest in 2007, Rennard made a decisive judgement on whether more than a thousand ballot papers that had been delayed in the post during the Christmas period should be counted, despite arriving after a deadline. As the returning officer during the Lib Dem leadership contest in 2007, Rennard made a decisive judgment on whether more than a thousand ballot papers that had been delayed in the post during the Christmas period should be counted, despite arriving after a deadline.
Clegg was at odds with his opponent, Chris Huhne, who believed that the papers should be counted but did not press the issue. In the end, Rennard ruled against such a count which, according to reports of an unofficial check, would have handed victory to Huhne. Clegg was at odds with his opponent, Chris Huhne, who believed the papers should be counted but did not press the issue. In the end, Rennard ruled against such a count, which, according to reports of an unofficial check, would have handed victory to Huhne.