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Decorum Becomes Less Traditional in a Hidebound Senate In Senate, Traditional Decorum Gives Way to New Discord
(about 2 hours later)
WASHINGTON — If Senator John McCain had an inkling of curiosity how his old buddy Chuck Hagel felt as the senator raked him over the confirmation coals on Thursday, Mr. McCain would get a slight taste an hour later during his own rendezvous with rudeness.WASHINGTON — If Senator John McCain had an inkling of curiosity how his old buddy Chuck Hagel felt as the senator raked him over the confirmation coals on Thursday, Mr. McCain would get a slight taste an hour later during his own rendezvous with rudeness.
That is when Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky took to the Senate floor to deride Mr. McCain’s opposition to his measure that would punish Egypt as “spurious and really, frankly, absurd,” not the first time Mr. Paul has wielded verbal scythes toward his colleagues.That is when Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky took to the Senate floor to deride Mr. McCain’s opposition to his measure that would punish Egypt as “spurious and really, frankly, absurd,” not the first time Mr. Paul has wielded verbal scythes toward his colleagues.
The willingness of Republicans to skewer one of their own became increasingly apparent on Friday as more and more members of the party peeled away from Mr. Hagel, President Obama’s nominee for secretary of defense, saying they would not vote to confirm him after Mr. Hagel melted like chocolate on a dashboard under combative questioning from Republicans.The willingness of Republicans to skewer one of their own became increasingly apparent on Friday as more and more members of the party peeled away from Mr. Hagel, President Obama’s nominee for secretary of defense, saying they would not vote to confirm him after Mr. Hagel melted like chocolate on a dashboard under combative questioning from Republicans.
Still, Republican senators and aides said that despite a halting performance, Mr. Hagel would probably be confirmed with Democratic votes. A filibuster of his nomination is still possible, a likely first for a cabinet nominee. Aides to Senators John Cornyn of Texas, the No. 2 Republican, and Ted Cruz, a Texas newcomer, said Friday that they had not ruled out procedural roadblocks to stop Mr. Hagel’s nomination.Still, Republican senators and aides said that despite a halting performance, Mr. Hagel would probably be confirmed with Democratic votes. A filibuster of his nomination is still possible, a likely first for a cabinet nominee. Aides to Senators John Cornyn of Texas, the No. 2 Republican, and Ted Cruz, a Texas newcomer, said Friday that they had not ruled out procedural roadblocks to stop Mr. Hagel’s nomination.
But Republican Senate aides say Democrats would probably be able to muster 60 votes to move to a final, up-or-down tally.But Republican Senate aides say Democrats would probably be able to muster 60 votes to move to a final, up-or-down tally.
“For a cabinet office, I think 51 votes is generally considered the right standard for the Senate to set, and at that level, I think he makes it,” Senator Roy Blunt of Missouri, a member of the Republican leadership, said Friday on Fox News, even as he announced his opposition to Mr. Hagel.“For a cabinet office, I think 51 votes is generally considered the right standard for the Senate to set, and at that level, I think he makes it,” Senator Roy Blunt of Missouri, a member of the Republican leadership, said Friday on Fox News, even as he announced his opposition to Mr. Hagel.
The White House shared that view.The White House shared that view.
“I would be stunned if, in the end, Republican senators chose to try to block the nomination of a decorated war veteran who was once among their colleagues in the Senate as a Republican,” said Jay Carney, the White House press secretary.“I would be stunned if, in the end, Republican senators chose to try to block the nomination of a decorated war veteran who was once among their colleagues in the Senate as a Republican,” said Jay Carney, the White House press secretary.
Privately, White House officials agreed that Mr. Hagel came across poorly. “No one would argue that he had a good performance,” said one official, who declined to be named to be more candid.Privately, White House officials agreed that Mr. Hagel came across poorly. “No one would argue that he had a good performance,” said one official, who declined to be named to be more candid.
Mr. Hagel has long been on the outs with some party mates because of policy disagreements with them over the years, which sometimes made him seem more like a Democrat. But stemming from their Senate ranks as he did, the intensity of their grilling was striking and illustrative of how the old ways of the Senate are disappearing.Mr. Hagel has long been on the outs with some party mates because of policy disagreements with them over the years, which sometimes made him seem more like a Democrat. But stemming from their Senate ranks as he did, the intensity of their grilling was striking and illustrative of how the old ways of the Senate are disappearing.
With the current era of hyperpartisanship in Washington, the intra-Senate discord has reached new levels in the usually approbatory chamber in recent months, a place where a certain level of respect for fellow and retired members of the same party is generally more or less a given.With the current era of hyperpartisanship in Washington, the intra-Senate discord has reached new levels in the usually approbatory chamber in recent months, a place where a certain level of respect for fellow and retired members of the same party is generally more or less a given.
The easy, celebratory hearing afforded Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts on his way to confirmation as secretary of state was much more in keeping with Senate tradition than the smackdown delivered to Mr. Hagel, though his own search for answers did him no favors. The clubbiness of the Senate was what made the 1989 rejection of former Senator John Tower, Republican of Texas, for secretary of defense astonishing even with multiple tales of personal problems.The easy, celebratory hearing afforded Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts on his way to confirmation as secretary of state was much more in keeping with Senate tradition than the smackdown delivered to Mr. Hagel, though his own search for answers did him no favors. The clubbiness of the Senate was what made the 1989 rejection of former Senator John Tower, Republican of Texas, for secretary of defense astonishing even with multiple tales of personal problems.
But Senate Republicans, in particular, who have added more conservative members to their ranks in the last two years, and who fear the constant and imminent threat of primary challengers from the right, have loosened their grip of late on the bonds that distinguish the Senate from any other legislative body.But Senate Republicans, in particular, who have added more conservative members to their ranks in the last two years, and who fear the constant and imminent threat of primary challengers from the right, have loosened their grip of late on the bonds that distinguish the Senate from any other legislative body.
In December, Bob Dole, the former majority leader, went to the Senate floor in a wheelchair to advocate for a disability treaty, and many of his Republican colleagues, including some who had praised the measure previously, waited for him to be wheeled away before turning the measure down. That would have been almost unthinkable in the past.In December, Bob Dole, the former majority leader, went to the Senate floor in a wheelchair to advocate for a disability treaty, and many of his Republican colleagues, including some who had praised the measure previously, waited for him to be wheeled away before turning the measure down. That would have been almost unthinkable in the past.
“Part of the shift in the Republican Party,” said Don Ritchie, the Senate historian, “means that old-time senators like Dole who were to the right of their party when they came here are to the left of their party now because the party has shifted so much beneath them. This all reflects that a bit.”“Part of the shift in the Republican Party,” said Don Ritchie, the Senate historian, “means that old-time senators like Dole who were to the right of their party when they came here are to the left of their party now because the party has shifted so much beneath them. This all reflects that a bit.”
There were other moments as well. Earlier in the week, Senator David Vitter, Republican of Louisiana, took to talk radio to refer to a Republican colleague, Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, as “amazingly naïve” for his proposals to overhaul the nation’s immigration system. Mr. Rubio did not choose to respond or question the judgment of Mr. Vitter, whose phone number once appeared in a client list of a Washington madam.There were other moments as well. Earlier in the week, Senator David Vitter, Republican of Louisiana, took to talk radio to refer to a Republican colleague, Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, as “amazingly naïve” for his proposals to overhaul the nation’s immigration system. Mr. Rubio did not choose to respond or question the judgment of Mr. Vitter, whose phone number once appeared in a client list of a Washington madam.
History both predicted and, in some ways, diffused discord in the Senate. Thomas Jefferson, who “realized every issue was going to be difficult and emotional,” Mr. Ritchie said, wrote the first rules manual in the 1790s in which members were instructed not to call one another by name, but rather the “distinguished senator from state of X or Y,” and to address one another through the chairman and not directly.History both predicted and, in some ways, diffused discord in the Senate. Thomas Jefferson, who “realized every issue was going to be difficult and emotional,” Mr. Ritchie said, wrote the first rules manual in the 1790s in which members were instructed not to call one another by name, but rather the “distinguished senator from state of X or Y,” and to address one another through the chairman and not directly.
Members are not supposed to question one another’s motives or criticize individual states. Duels have been fought over language on the floor. Before the floor activities were televised, senators quietly removed cutting words from the Congressional Record, as when one member called another a “rancid tub of ignorance” on the Senate floor in the 1950s.Members are not supposed to question one another’s motives or criticize individual states. Duels have been fought over language on the floor. Before the floor activities were televised, senators quietly removed cutting words from the Congressional Record, as when one member called another a “rancid tub of ignorance” on the Senate floor in the 1950s.
But many Senate Republicans now are newly elected, deeply conservative members who have less regard for the old rules of comity and respect for elders.But many Senate Republicans now are newly elected, deeply conservative members who have less regard for the old rules of comity and respect for elders.
“The Republicans in the Senate have moved decidedly to the right,” said Senator Tom Harkin, Democrat of Iowa, who recently said he would not seek re-election. “A lot of them are kind of fearful of what the Tea Party might do to them.”“The Republicans in the Senate have moved decidedly to the right,” said Senator Tom Harkin, Democrat of Iowa, who recently said he would not seek re-election. “A lot of them are kind of fearful of what the Tea Party might do to them.”
This is something that appeared to not be lost on Mr. Cornyn, who, up for re-election next year, was one of just three senators, all Republicans, to vote against Mr. Kerry. Mr. Cornyn appears to be mapping the voting path of his new colleague from Texas, Mr. Cruz, a Tea Party star.This is something that appeared to not be lost on Mr. Cornyn, who, up for re-election next year, was one of just three senators, all Republicans, to vote against Mr. Kerry. Mr. Cornyn appears to be mapping the voting path of his new colleague from Texas, Mr. Cruz, a Tea Party star.
At the center of this is Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader who could draw a primary challenge of his own next year, and who has generally maintained steady politesse even when thrashing Democrats on the floor. Mr. McConnell and Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the majority leader, had enjoyed years of cordial and even friendly relations, but their interactions are largely limited to talk of baseball now because the Senate floor has become a place of such disharmony.At the center of this is Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader who could draw a primary challenge of his own next year, and who has generally maintained steady politesse even when thrashing Democrats on the floor. Mr. McConnell and Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the majority leader, had enjoyed years of cordial and even friendly relations, but their interactions are largely limited to talk of baseball now because the Senate floor has become a place of such disharmony.
Mr. Hagel’s hearing, his perceived subpar performance notwithstanding, still set some members on edge. Senator Claire McCaskill, Democrat of Missouri, used introductory remarks seemingly to make that point. “In my six years on this committee,” she said, “the defense of this country is a bipartisan effort.”Mr. Hagel’s hearing, his perceived subpar performance notwithstanding, still set some members on edge. Senator Claire McCaskill, Democrat of Missouri, used introductory remarks seemingly to make that point. “In my six years on this committee,” she said, “the defense of this country is a bipartisan effort.”
Senator Joe Manchin III, Democrat of West Virginia, told Mr. Hagel he felt the need to “apologize for some of the tone and demeanor today.”Senator Joe Manchin III, Democrat of West Virginia, told Mr. Hagel he felt the need to “apologize for some of the tone and demeanor today.”