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Roe v Wade at 40: Republicans more conservative than ever about abortion | Roe v Wade at 40: Republicans more conservative than ever about abortion |
(2 months later) | |
Forty years after Roe v Wade, the landmark supreme court decision that made abortion legal across America, the Republican party has cast itself as more radically pro-life than ever. | Forty years after Roe v Wade, the landmark supreme court decision that made abortion legal across America, the Republican party has cast itself as more radically pro-life than ever. |
We're not just talking Todd "Legitimate Rape" Akin either. | We're not just talking Todd "Legitimate Rape" Akin either. |
We reviewed 40 years worth of party platforms – the manifestos put out by the Republican and Democratic parties every election season to articulate their distinct vision and goals – and found that the GOP has padded their pro-life credentials more than ever in 2012, following a pronounced trajectory towards the right. Party election platforms don't show us the whole picture of course – but they do offer us a view of how parties frame themselves. The progression of party platforms over 40 years shows that the core "party elites – the people who go to conventions and write platforms – have become more polarized," as Georgetown University's Clyde Wilcox, who studies abortion policy and trends in public perception, explained. | We reviewed 40 years worth of party platforms – the manifestos put out by the Republican and Democratic parties every election season to articulate their distinct vision and goals – and found that the GOP has padded their pro-life credentials more than ever in 2012, following a pronounced trajectory towards the right. Party election platforms don't show us the whole picture of course – but they do offer us a view of how parties frame themselves. The progression of party platforms over 40 years shows that the core "party elites – the people who go to conventions and write platforms – have become more polarized," as Georgetown University's Clyde Wilcox, who studies abortion policy and trends in public perception, explained. |
"You can just see the polarization in the intensity of language – and the voting scores in Congress," he added. | "You can just see the polarization in the intensity of language – and the voting scores in Congress," he added. |
It should be noted that election-year platforms are highly influenced by particular sectors of the party and often leave out minority voices. Republicans for Choice and pro-life Democrats do exist to this day after all, but those groups have become less influential with each passing election. Platforms are meant to influence the presidential nominee, but candidates themselves are often less conservative than the platforms they run with – just see the case of Bob Dole. | It should be noted that election-year platforms are highly influenced by particular sectors of the party and often leave out minority voices. Republicans for Choice and pro-life Democrats do exist to this day after all, but those groups have become less influential with each passing election. Platforms are meant to influence the presidential nominee, but candidates themselves are often less conservative than the platforms they run with – just see the case of Bob Dole. |
Despite these limits, platforms mirror larger historical trends of party polarization in US politics, and they show us which interests have become influential within each party over time. | Despite these limits, platforms mirror larger historical trends of party polarization in US politics, and they show us which interests have become influential within each party over time. |
We looked at how often Democrats and Republicans mentioned abortion and how they discussed the issue in their platforms since Roe v. Wade in order to put such larger trends in relief. Here's what we found. | We looked at how often Democrats and Republicans mentioned abortion and how they discussed the issue in their platforms since Roe v. Wade in order to put such larger trends in relief. Here's what we found. |
Republicans have moved far right on abortion | Republicans have moved far right on abortion |
Looking at Republican and Democratic party platforms since 1976 – the first post-Roe election – we counted the number of times the word "abortion" itself is mentioned, as well as synonyms used by either side – phrases like "rights of the unborn" on the right of the political spectrum and "a woman's right to choice" on the left. | Looking at Republican and Democratic party platforms since 1976 – the first post-Roe election – we counted the number of times the word "abortion" itself is mentioned, as well as synonyms used by either side – phrases like "rights of the unborn" on the right of the political spectrum and "a woman's right to choice" on the left. |
In their 2012 platform, Republicans mentioned abortion more times than ever before: 19 mentions in 2012 compared with 12 in 2008 – and five in 1976. | In their 2012 platform, Republicans mentioned abortion more times than ever before: 19 mentions in 2012 compared with 12 in 2008 – and five in 1976. |
The last such spike in attention to abortion came in 1996, also an election year in which Republicans faced a Democratic incumbent. Previously a marked increase in mentions of abortion was seen under Ronald Reagan between the 1980 and 1984 platforms, though numbers remained in the single digits. | The last such spike in attention to abortion came in 1996, also an election year in which Republicans faced a Democratic incumbent. Previously a marked increase in mentions of abortion was seen under Ronald Reagan between the 1980 and 1984 platforms, though numbers remained in the single digits. |
Democrats have moved more slowly to include a greater emphasis on reproductive rights and other pro-choice values over the past 40 years. | Democrats have moved more slowly to include a greater emphasis on reproductive rights and other pro-choice values over the past 40 years. |
Abortion is covered in more sections of the GOP platform today | Abortion is covered in more sections of the GOP platform today |
Looking beyond sheer mentions of the issue, we found references to abortion have also been included in more and more sub-sections – or "planks" – of the GOP platform since 1976. | Looking beyond sheer mentions of the issue, we found references to abortion have also been included in more and more sub-sections – or "planks" – of the GOP platform since 1976. |
In 2012, abortion is discussed under nine separate platform planks – the most ever – ranging from "Our Prescription for American Healthcare" to "The Sanctity and Dignity of Human Life" and "China". Four years ago, abortion was mentioned in five such sections. | In 2012, abortion is discussed under nine separate platform planks – the most ever – ranging from "Our Prescription for American Healthcare" to "The Sanctity and Dignity of Human Life" and "China". Four years ago, abortion was mentioned in five such sections. |
A shift in how abortion is framed is evident over 10 party platforms. | A shift in how abortion is framed is evident over 10 party platforms. |
Jump to the full chart below | Jump to the full chart below |
For Democrats, movement towards a more firmly pro-choice stance on abortion can be seen in their plank headings as well, but it has been less radical. | For Democrats, movement towards a more firmly pro-choice stance on abortion can be seen in their plank headings as well, but it has been less radical. |
The language surrounding abortion has radicalized | The language surrounding abortion has radicalized |
Over 40 years, the GOP's rhetoric has also reflected ever more conservative pro-life positions on abortion. | Over 40 years, the GOP's rhetoric has also reflected ever more conservative pro-life positions on abortion. |
Republicans have long called for a "right to life" constitutional amendment, as well as the appointment of pro-life judges to the supreme court, among other positions – but in recent years language has shifted to more specific, more conservative ideas on abortion. | Republicans have long called for a "right to life" constitutional amendment, as well as the appointment of pro-life judges to the supreme court, among other positions – but in recent years language has shifted to more specific, more conservative ideas on abortion. |
"What you are seeing is the way the conversation is shifting, not just in the political sphere, but within the religious sphere," Neil J Young, historian and lecturer at Princeton University, explained, "and these shifts are migrating over to the political discourse and the party platform." | "What you are seeing is the way the conversation is shifting, not just in the political sphere, but within the religious sphere," Neil J Young, historian and lecturer at Princeton University, explained, "and these shifts are migrating over to the political discourse and the party platform." |
Language on fetal personhood has become more intense over the past four decades, and more specific abortion battles have been introduced into platforms. In 2004, for instance, the GOP expanded their platform to include discussion of partial-birth abortions. | Language on fetal personhood has become more intense over the past four decades, and more specific abortion battles have been introduced into platforms. In 2004, for instance, the GOP expanded their platform to include discussion of partial-birth abortions. |
Most recently, in the most 2012 GOP platform, "there was new language advocating legislation to protect unborn children who are – quote – 'capable of feeling pain from the atrocity of abortion," Young recalled. The addition of such non-scientifically proven language is a "significant development of the platform", he added. | Most recently, in the most 2012 GOP platform, "there was new language advocating legislation to protect unborn children who are – quote – 'capable of feeling pain from the atrocity of abortion," Young recalled. The addition of such non-scientifically proven language is a "significant development of the platform", he added. |
Democrats fully embraced Roe in the early 90s | Democrats fully embraced Roe in the early 90s |
Democratic party platforms have not seen as pronounced a shift in attention to abortion as their counterparts. Democrats gradually included greater emphasis on reproductive rights and other pro-choice values over 40 years, embracing their identity as the party of choice in the late 1980s and early 90s. | Democratic party platforms have not seen as pronounced a shift in attention to abortion as their counterparts. Democrats gradually included greater emphasis on reproductive rights and other pro-choice values over 40 years, embracing their identity as the party of choice in the late 1980s and early 90s. |
Democratic mentions of Roe v. Wade case by name | Democratic mentions of Roe v. Wade case by name |
While avoiding the issue of abortion on and off through the 1970s and early 80s – in fact, barely mentioning it in their 1984 platform – Democrats settled most firmly on advocating for "the fundamental right of reproductive choice" in 1988. But it was not until 1992 that they cast themselves as full defenders of Roe v Wade. | While avoiding the issue of abortion on and off through the 1970s and early 80s – in fact, barely mentioning it in their 1984 platform – Democrats settled most firmly on advocating for "the fundamental right of reproductive choice" in 1988. But it was not until 1992 that they cast themselves as full defenders of Roe v Wade. |
"The Democratic Party stands behind the right of every woman to choose, consistent with Roe v Wade," the party wrote in 1992 and have mentioned the case by name in every election since. In following platforms, Democrats have stood behind Roe "strongly" – and, in 2012, they voiced their support both "strongly and unequivocally". | "The Democratic Party stands behind the right of every woman to choose, consistent with Roe v Wade," the party wrote in 1992 and have mentioned the case by name in every election since. In following platforms, Democrats have stood behind Roe "strongly" – and, in 2012, they voiced their support both "strongly and unequivocally". |
The asymmetrical responses to abortion between Democrats and Republicans can be explained in one way: Democrats have not had as much impetus – or space – to radicalize their stance on abortion as Republicans. As professor Wilcox explained, Democrats stand closer to the status quo established by Roe v Wade. | The asymmetrical responses to abortion between Democrats and Republicans can be explained in one way: Democrats have not had as much impetus – or space – to radicalize their stance on abortion as Republicans. As professor Wilcox explained, Democrats stand closer to the status quo established by Roe v Wade. |
"There's no reason for the Democrats to go on on and on about it. 'We believe in protecting the status quo' is the gist of their argument," Wilcox said. | "There's no reason for the Democrats to go on on and on about it. 'We believe in protecting the status quo' is the gist of their argument," Wilcox said. |
"Despite all the recent restriction that have been placed on abortion" in many states, Wilcox continued, the law "is still much closer to what a pro-choice person would want than to what a pro-life person would want". | "Despite all the recent restriction that have been placed on abortion" in many states, Wilcox continued, the law "is still much closer to what a pro-choice person would want than to what a pro-life person would want". |
Organizing against the status quo is much more energizing – and prone to radicalization – than serving to defend it, he added. | Organizing against the status quo is much more energizing – and prone to radicalization – than serving to defend it, he added. |
Recently, however, opponents have more vigorously started to chip away at the Roe v Wade decision through state-level laws aimed at restricting abortion – what Wilcox calls "death by a thousand paper cuts". That may be giving Democrats, as the party of choice, more reason to mobilize. | Recently, however, opponents have more vigorously started to chip away at the Roe v Wade decision through state-level laws aimed at restricting abortion – what Wilcox calls "death by a thousand paper cuts". That may be giving Democrats, as the party of choice, more reason to mobilize. |
Last year saw a significant move for the pro-choice side on abortion: the amount of money spent on political ads touching on the issue shot up. | Last year saw a significant move for the pro-choice side on abortion: the amount of money spent on political ads touching on the issue shot up. |
"In 2012 what you saw from the GOP is several candidates get way out there on the pro-life side, especially with the rape issue, and so you saw a bit of a backlash from Democrats and their allies," Wilcox explained. | "In 2012 what you saw from the GOP is several candidates get way out there on the pro-life side, especially with the rape issue, and so you saw a bit of a backlash from Democrats and their allies," Wilcox explained. |
"I think the fact that Republicans have gone so far right and have had these big statements has made it possible for Democrats to recapture the middle," he said. | "I think the fact that Republicans have gone so far right and have had these big statements has made it possible for Democrats to recapture the middle," he said. |
Abortion has long been a polarizing issue in US party politics, but the fact remains that most Americans are not radicals on abortion. Instead, they are moderates – something the Republican party seems to be missing in past years. | Abortion has long been a polarizing issue in US party politics, but the fact remains that most Americans are not radicals on abortion. Instead, they are moderates – something the Republican party seems to be missing in past years. |
Full chart: party planks that mention abortion and related phrasing | Full chart: party planks that mention abortion and related phrasing |
Platform planks | Platform planks |
Section headings under which abortion is mentioned in party platforms | Section headings under which abortion is mentioned in party platforms |
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