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Stalling of Storm Aid Makes Northeast Republicans Furious | |
(about 4 hours later) | |
WASHINGTON — Northeastern Republicans, long outnumbered and overshadowed in their own party nationally, erupted in fury on Wednesday after the Republican-controlled House of Representatives blocked a measure that sought to provide billions of dollars in aid to New York, New Jersey, Connecticut and other states pummeled by Hurricane Sandy. | |
The depth of the anger was extraordinary and exceedingly personal, with one Republican after another venting their outrage at one man in particular, Speaker John A. Boehner, Republican of Ohio, who quietly moved to keep the bill from coming to the floor early Wednesday morning after a raucous marathon session on fiscal issues. | |
Representative Michael G. Grimm, a Republican whose Staten Island district was among the hardest hit, threatened not to vote for Mr. Boehner in the election for speaker this week. Representative Peter T. King, a Long Island Republican whose constituents also suffered huge losses in the storm, urged New York’s well-heeled donor community not to contribute to Mr. Boehner’s Republican majority. | |
The anger that surfaced on Wednesday seemed to come as a bit of a shock to Mr. Boehner, who quickly sought to contain any political fallout. After meeting with Republican lawmakers from the storm-battered region, Mr. Boehner pledged to bring a $9 billion relief package to the floor on Friday and a $51 billion package on Jan 15. | |
“Getting critical aid to the victims of Hurricane Sandy should be the first priority in the new Congress,” Mr. Boehner said in a statement that he released with Representative Eric Cantor, the Republican majority leader in the House. “That was reaffirmed today with members of the New York and New Jersey delegations.” | |
But it was unclear whether Mr. Boehner could undo the damage he had done. | |
Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, a potential Republican presidential contender in 2016, said Mr. Boehner had refused to take his calls on Tuesday night and accused the House leadership of duplicity and selfishness, saying the inaction “is why the American people hate Congress.” | |
After finally getting through to Mr. Boehner on Wednesday morning, Mr. Christie expressed doubt in the speaker’s word in his characteristically blunt way. | |
“I’m not going to get into the specifics of what I discussed with John Boehner today,” he told reporters in New Jersey. “But what I will tell you is there is no reason at the moment for me to believe anything they tell me. Because they have been telling me stuff for weeks, and they didn’t deliver.” | |
Representative King later struck a more conciliatory note. “This procedure that is laid out is fully acceptable” he said, reacting to the schedule presented by Mr. Boehner. “Fact is, we are getting what New York and New Jersey needs, and that is what counts.” | |
Mr. Grimm seemed mollified as well, saying he would support the speaker after all. | |
As much as the outcry spoke of the extraordinary dissension within the Republican ranks, it also underscored another political reality: the relative lack of clout that Northeastern states like New York have in the House of Representatives, a chamber dominated by conservatives from the South and Midwest. | |
In many respects, lawmakers from the region must frequently contend with the perception, whether fair or not, that the region they represent is a liberal bastion that is politically and culturally out of touch with the rest of the country. | |
The region’s political standing in the House is such that leading New York politicians turned to prominent New York City businessmen with close ties to the Republican Party in their efforts to persuade House leaders to pass a disaster relief package. | |
The businessmen, all major political donors, included titans like Kenneth Langone, the venture capitalist and co-founder of Home Depot; Lloyd Blankfein, the chairman of Goldman Sachs; Jerry I. Speyer, chairman and co-chief executive of the Tishman Speyer real estate empire; and Terry J. Lundgren, chairman and chief executive of Macy’s, according to people familiar with the last-minute lobbying effort. | |
Last week, a $60.4 billion aid package was passed in the Democratic-led Senate, far friendlier political terrain for the region, where Charles E. Schumer, New York’s senior senator, is part of the leadership and helped push the package through. Top House Republicans had indicated that they were moving toward a vote on the package Tuesday night. | |
But Mr. Boehner had angered many leading conservatives in his caucus by bringing to the floor a Senate-approved tax bill that did not contain sufficient spending cuts to bring the nation’s debt under control. After that bill passed in the House, with significant Democratic support, he was in no mood to further alienate conservatives in his caucus by forcing them to vote on a disaster aid bill that would add to the deficit on the very eve of a vote on whether to continue his speakership. | |
Some members of Congress said the aid package was too large, and bloated by unrelated items, including $150 million for fisheries in Alaska and $2 million for museum roofs in Washington. Senator Roy Blunt, Republican of Missouri, suggested that the aid request was harmed by its size. “Sometimes when you ask for too much, you don’t get anything,” Mr. Blunt told CNN. | |
As the anger over the House’s decision not to hold a vote on the storm aid measure intensified, President Obama called Mr. Christie and Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo of New York on Wednesday, and issued a statement calling for an immediate vote in the House. | |
“When tragedy strikes, Americans come together to support those in need,” Mr. Obama said. | |
Mr. Cuomo, after meeting with his cabinet in Albany, told reporters on Wednesday that House Republicans had “reneged on their word.” He said Mr. Boehner and Mr. Cantor had explicitly told him that the vote would take place on Tuesday. | |
“I believe it was a dereliction of duty,” Mr. Cuomo said. “To leave New York and New Jersey and thousands of people in this holiday season on their own and abandoned was wrong, and disgraceful in a lot of ways. I think it was unprecedented.” | |
Mr. Cuomo had lobbied heavily for the bill. After Christmas, when he brought his daughters on a skiing trip to Whiteface Mountain near Lake Placid, the governor stayed off the slopes and made phone calls, reaching Mr. Cantor on his cellphone and checking in with corporate executives who were also calling Republican leaders in the House. On New Year’s Eve, he spent the two-and-a-half-hour car ride from the Adirondacks to the Executive Mansion in Albany making more calls. | |
“I don’t know what else I can do,” he said. | |
“There was never any conversation on the merits about the bill,” he added. “It was all politics, and it was all Republican politics, frankly.” | |
Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, a political independent, also lobbied heavily, speaking regularly with Republican leaders and members of the New York delegation. He said that although he was “disappointed,” he would not criticize the Republican leadership, because Mr. Boehner “assured me that this would be considered in the month of January.” | |
Thomas Kaplan contributed reporting from Albany, and David W. Chen and Marc Santora from New York. | |
Raymond Hernandez contributed reporting from Washington, Thomas Kaplan from Albany and David W. Chen from New York. |