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G.O.P. Anger Over Tax Deal Endangers Final Passage House Nears Vote on Senate Deal, Despite Objections
(35 minutes later)
WASHINGTON — House Republicans reacted with anger Tuesday afternoon to a Senate-passed plan to head off automatic tax increases and spending cuts, putting the fate of the legislation in doubt just hours after it appeared Congress was nearing a resolution of the fiscal crisis. WASHINGTON — Faced with the prospect of being blamed for blocking a major fiscal agreement, the House Republican leadership on Tuesday moved to bring a measure approved by the Senate in the early morning hours to a vote despite deep objections from rank-and-file House Republicans.
Lawmakers said that Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia, the No. 2 Republican, indicated to his colleagues in a closed-door meeting in the basement of the Capitol that he could not support the legislation in its current form. Many other Republicans were voicing stiff objections to a plan that they saw as raising taxes while doing little to rein in spending. Several conservatives assailed it on the House floor as the chamber convened at noon for an unusual New Year’s Day session. In another day of nearly around-the-clock Congressional maneuvering, House Republican leaders took the temperature of their fractious caucus and tried to plot a way forward, anxious about being seen as the chief obstacle to legislation that President Obama and a bipartisan Senate majority say is necessary to prevent the nation from slipping back into a recession. Much of the day had been spent exploring the possibility of adding spending cuts to the measure and returning it to the Senate, but the leadership abandoned that strategy Tuesday evening.
“There’s not a lot of support for the bill as is. I personally hate it,” said Representative John Campbell, Republican of California. “The speaker, the day after the election, said we would give on taxes, and we have, but we wanted spending cuts. This bill has spending increases. Are you kidding me?” Several Republicans said that increasingly the realization that the Senate would not take up their amended bill made an up-or-down vote all but inevitable at some point or the blame would rest in the House. “That puts us in a tough spot if they don’t take it up,” said Representative Richard B. Nugent, Republican of Florida. “You can be right and you can be dead right.”
Aides said that Speaker John A. Boehner, who had pledged to put any measure the Senate passed on the House floor for a vote, was mainly listening to the complaints of his rank and file and had not taken a firm position on the legislation, though he had clear reservations. It remained unclear whether the bill could pass with a mix of Republican and Democratic votes. Failure would mean the nation would go deeper into the tax hikes that technically went into effect on New Year’s Day. Backers of the measure had hoped a quick resolution in the House would limit any economic harm.
The situation loomed as a significant test for Mr. Boehner, who had been unable to pass his own proposal to increase taxes only on $1 million in income and above. He has said repeatedly that he would allow a vote on the Senate bill, but he has also said he did not want to pass a bill with predominantly Democratic votes. Public opposition from Mr. Cantor, who has up to this point sided with Mr. Boehner in the fiscal fight, would also complicate his position. The dynamic with the House was a near mirror image of a fight at the end of 2011 over a payroll tax break extension. In that showdown, Senate Democrats and Republicans passed legislation, House Republicans fulminated over it but were eventually forced to swallow it.
Brendan Buck, a spokesman for Mr. Boehner, said that during the meeting, “the lack of spending cuts in the Senate bill was a universal concern amongst members.” The Republican leadership expected to continue discussions Tuesday “on the path forward,” he added. But as they got a detailed look at the Senate legislation, House Republicans ranging from Midwest pragmatists to Tea Party-blessed conservatives voiced serious reservations about the measure that would allow taxes to go up on household income over $400,000 for individuals and $450,000 for couples. They emerged from a lunchtime New Year’s Day meeting with their Republican leaders, eyes flashing and faces grim, and one by one said they would not brook a bill with tax increases for wealthy Americans without substantial savings from cuts. The unrest reached to the highest levels as Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia, the House majority leader, told members in a closed-door meeting in the basement of the Capitol that he could not support the legislation in its current form. House Speaker John A. Boehner, who faces re-election to his post on Thursday as the 113th Congress convenes, had grave reservations as well though he had earlier pledged to allow the House to consider any legislation that cleared the Senate. Mr. Boehner, though, was not eager to have such a major piece of legislation pass with mainly opposition votes, an outcome that could undermine his authority.
The 112th Congress comes to a close Thursday. Adding to the pressure on the House, the deal had been cut by Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Senate Republican leader, and had deep Republican support in the Senate, isolating the House Republicans in their opposition. Some of the Senate Republicans who backed the bill were staunch conservatives with deep credibility among House Republicans.
Democrats emerged from their own closed-door meeting with Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. generally sanguine about the deal, if not ecstatic. Few Democrats, if any, suggested a Democratic rebellion was in the works after a forceful — and lengthy — presentation by Mr. Biden, which walked them step by step through the negotiations, the legislation and the path forward on future deficit confrontations. The options before the House Republicans were fraught with risks. Senate Democrats said they would not brook any serious amendments to their bill – one hard fought and passed in the dark of night with many pairs of clenched teeth on both sides of the aisle. Senate Democratic leaders planned no more votes before the new Congress convenes Thursday afternoon.
An up-or-down House vote on the Senate measure would present many Republicans with a nearly impossible choice: end the Congressional standoff that most Americans wish to see cease, or vote to allow taxes to go up on wealthy Americans without any of the changes to spending and entitlement programs they have vigorously fought, at their own and the nation’s peril, for the better part of two years.
“I have read the bill and can’t find the spending cuts - even with an electron magnifying glass,” said Representative Trey Gowdy of South Carolina, who generally votes against budget bills. “It’s part medicinal, part placebo, and part treating the symptoms but not the underlying pathology.
“While the nation has already gone over the so-called fiscal cliff on New Year’s Eve, the failure to pass any measure before the 112th Congress ends as of noon Thursday would require the process to start over in the new 113th Congress, meaning the Senate would have to vote again with a changed membership due the departure of several veteran lawmakers and the arrival of newcomers from both parties as a result of victories in the November elections.
Democrats had their own problems with the measure but they emerged from their own closed-door meeting with Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who had negotiated the pact, resigned to the deal if not ecstatic about it. As he did with Senate Democrats the night before, Mr. Biden walked House members step-by-step through the negotiations, the legislation and the path forward on future deficit confrontations.
“It is clear that the vice president and the president are convinced that they have done the right thing. They don’t see it as a perfect deal though, and nobody else does,” said Representative Elijah Cummings, Democrat of Maryland.“It is clear that the vice president and the president are convinced that they have done the right thing. They don’t see it as a perfect deal though, and nobody else does,” said Representative Elijah Cummings, Democrat of Maryland.
It appeared that members were favoring trying to amend the measure and send it back to the Senate. Democrats urged Republicans to bring the bill to the floor. “The only responsible path forward is for House Republicans to immediately hold an up-ordown vote on the bipartisan Senate legislation,” said Representative Sander Levin, Democrat of Michigan.
“I would be shocked if this bill doesn’t go back to the Senate,” said Representative Spencer Bachus, Republican of Alabama.
With just two days to go before a new Congress convenes, the House has essentially three choices: reject the bill, pass it as written by the Senate after what is certain to be a robust, even rancorous debate, or amend the bill and quickly return it across the rotunda to the Senate. Should the House choose to amend the measure, it would almost certainly imperil its chances of becoming law before the new Congress convenes. The Senate compromise, which enjoyed wide bipartisan support, was so hard fought and senators do not anticipate taking another vote on it.
Any failure to pass the measure before the 112th Congress ends as of noon Thursday would require the process to start over in the new 113th Congress, meaning the Senate would have to vote again with a changed membership due to the departure of several veteran lawmakers and the arrival of newcomers from both parties as a result of victories in the November elections.
But the strong, bipartisan 89-to-8 vote in the Senate about 2 a.m. on Tuesday will put strong pressure on the House to approve the legislation since a defeat would essentially leave the House responsible for a steep series of tax increases and spending cuts that some economists warn could send the nation back into a recession.
Yet it was clear Tuesday morning that many House Republicans were disenchanted with the plan, which, while containing many concessions that angered Democrats, still favors the latter party’s priorities and imposes a tax increase on the wealthiest Americans.
“I am halfway through reading it and haven’t found the cuts yet,” said Representative Trey Gowdy of South Carolina, who generally votes against budget bills. “It’s part medicinal, part panacea, and part treating the symptoms but not the underlying pathology.”
Democrats have their own issues with the measure because of what they see as too many concessions on taxes, making it apparent some combination of Democrats and Republicans will have to come together behind the measure if it is to clear the House and be sent to President Obama for his signature.