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| Wayne LaPierre: the NRA chief facing his toughest test after Newtown | Wayne LaPierre: the NRA chief facing his toughest test after Newtown |
| (8 days later) | |
| A couple of years after his 15-year-old son Daniel was killed in the Columbine high school shooting in April 1999, Tom Mauser bumped into Wayne LaPierre, chief executive of the National Rifle Association, at a charity event. | A couple of years after his 15-year-old son Daniel was killed in the Columbine high school shooting in April 1999, Tom Mauser bumped into Wayne LaPierre, chief executive of the National Rifle Association, at a charity event. |
| It was a fortuitous meeting for Mauser. In the months after the massacre, in which 12 students and a teacher died, LaPierre had been seminal in lobbying against a Congressional bill that would have closed the gun show loophole that allows firearms to be sold by private sellers without any background check on the purchaser. The loophole was exploited by the Columbine killers, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, to procure their weapons. | It was a fortuitous meeting for Mauser. In the months after the massacre, in which 12 students and a teacher died, LaPierre had been seminal in lobbying against a Congressional bill that would have closed the gun show loophole that allows firearms to be sold by private sellers without any background check on the purchaser. The loophole was exploited by the Columbine killers, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, to procure their weapons. |
| After the bill collapsed, Mauser had written to the NRA asking why it had so fiercely opposed such a sensible safeguard to prevent future tragedies. "I wrote: 'Do you have any idea what it's like to go through this, to lose your son in that way? Why are you doing this?'" Mauser says. | After the bill collapsed, Mauser had written to the NRA asking why it had so fiercely opposed such a sensible safeguard to prevent future tragedies. "I wrote: 'Do you have any idea what it's like to go through this, to lose your son in that way? Why are you doing this?'" Mauser says. |
| Mauser was surprised by the NRA's response. Or lack of it. The NRA simply did not reply. | Mauser was surprised by the NRA's response. Or lack of it. The NRA simply did not reply. |
| So he raised the matter with LaPierre when he happened upon him, and LaPierre, being the polite and affable character he is widely said to be, promised to find out what had happened to the letter. Months passed, and still Mauser received no reply, so in 2002 he presented a copy of the same letter to the Washington offices of the NRA and picketed outside the front door. | So he raised the matter with LaPierre when he happened upon him, and LaPierre, being the polite and affable character he is widely said to be, promised to find out what had happened to the letter. Months passed, and still Mauser received no reply, so in 2002 he presented a copy of the same letter to the Washington offices of the NRA and picketed outside the front door. |
| For his pains, the NRA called the police and Mauser was arrested. He repeated the action in 2005, and was arrested again. "It became clear to me, LaPierre would rather have me arrested than talk to me, reply to my letter or even acknowledge me as a human being." | For his pains, the NRA called the police and Mauser was arrested. He repeated the action in 2005, and was arrested again. "It became clear to me, LaPierre would rather have me arrested than talk to me, reply to my letter or even acknowledge me as a human being." |
| In the 21 years he has been at the helm of the NRA, Wayne LaPierre has had to deal with plenty of Columbines: Virginia Tech, Tucson, Aurora – the list goes on. And on each occasion he has responded with the same behind-the-scenes lobbying, some say bullying, to prevent any political tightening of gun controls, mixed with a blanket refusal to respond to criticism. | In the 21 years he has been at the helm of the NRA, Wayne LaPierre has had to deal with plenty of Columbines: Virginia Tech, Tucson, Aurora – the list goes on. And on each occasion he has responded with the same behind-the-scenes lobbying, some say bullying, to prevent any political tightening of gun controls, mixed with a blanket refusal to respond to criticism. |
| This time, though, it's different. The tactic of not responding that Mauser experienced after Columbine could not hold after Newtown, the killing of 20 young children and six teachers in Sandy Hook elementary school. "People have been so shaken up by the deaths of little children that they demanded to know why the NRA was so quiet. LaPierre couldn't get away with it this time," Mauser says. | This time, though, it's different. The tactic of not responding that Mauser experienced after Columbine could not hold after Newtown, the killing of 20 young children and six teachers in Sandy Hook elementary school. "People have been so shaken up by the deaths of little children that they demanded to know why the NRA was so quiet. LaPierre couldn't get away with it this time," Mauser says. |
| On Friday, a week almost to the hour after Adam Lanza burst his way into Sandy Hook school and began his rampage, LaPierre was finally forced to speak. But what he said showed no sign of compromise, and no change of tack. | On Friday, a week almost to the hour after Adam Lanza burst his way into Sandy Hook school and began his rampage, LaPierre was finally forced to speak. But what he said showed no sign of compromise, and no change of tack. |
| He repeated a mantra that he has recited after several mass shootings, including the April 2007 Virginia Tech massacre, the worst rampage by a single gunman in US history in which 32 people died. "The only way to stop a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun," he said. | He repeated a mantra that he has recited after several mass shootings, including the April 2007 Virginia Tech massacre, the worst rampage by a single gunman in US history in which 32 people died. "The only way to stop a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun," he said. |
| Newtown represents the most perilous moment for LaPierre in his two decades as the dominant figure within one of the most influential lobbying groups in the country. Since he took on the job of the NRA's executive vice-president in 1991 he has helped grow the association into the corporate powerhouse that it now is. | Newtown represents the most perilous moment for LaPierre in his two decades as the dominant figure within one of the most influential lobbying groups in the country. Since he took on the job of the NRA's executive vice-president in 1991 he has helped grow the association into the corporate powerhouse that it now is. |
| "Wayne LaPierre has corporatised the NRA, creating a symbiotic relationship with the gun industry that includes a significant financial stake," says the Violence Policy Center's Josh Sugarmann, author of NRA: Money, Firepower, Fear. | "Wayne LaPierre has corporatised the NRA, creating a symbiotic relationship with the gun industry that includes a significant financial stake," says the Violence Policy Center's Josh Sugarmann, author of NRA: Money, Firepower, Fear. |
| The irony is that LaPierre is not a true "gun man" in the classic mould. He neither comes from a militaristic background nor from the rural heartlands that generate much of the NRA's core membership. | The irony is that LaPierre is not a true "gun man" in the classic mould. He neither comes from a militaristic background nor from the rural heartlands that generate much of the NRA's core membership. |
| What he is, though, is a professional bureaucrat. He was brought up in Roanoke, Virginia, and received an MA in government from Boston college. His passion is not guns, but for the machinations of power. As a young man he volunteered in several political campaigns including the failed 1972 presidential run of the leftwing Democrat George McGovern. | What he is, though, is a professional bureaucrat. He was brought up in Roanoke, Virginia, and received an MA in government from Boston college. His passion is not guns, but for the machinations of power. As a young man he volunteered in several political campaigns including the failed 1972 presidential run of the leftwing Democrat George McGovern. |
| A brief stint as the legislative aide to a Virginia Democratic politician brought him in contact with the NRA, which he joined in 1978. He rose up the ranks, as a regional lobbyist, then to Capitol Hill, and from there into the job as the association's chief administrator. | A brief stint as the legislative aide to a Virginia Democratic politician brought him in contact with the NRA, which he joined in 1978. He rose up the ranks, as a regional lobbyist, then to Capitol Hill, and from there into the job as the association's chief administrator. |
| When he was given the top job, a joke circulated around the NRA that he didn't know one end of a gun from another. But LaPierre quickly accommodated himself to the more aggressive wing of the gun movement that held sway within the NRA. | When he was given the top job, a joke circulated around the NRA that he didn't know one end of a gun from another. But LaPierre quickly accommodated himself to the more aggressive wing of the gun movement that held sway within the NRA. |
| On occasion, he even went further than the most extreme of his members, driving the pro-gun movement ever more to the right. His propensity for colourful language – such a contrast to his measured, bureaucrat's demeanour – could get him into trouble. In 1995 he famously put his name to an NRA fundraising leaflet that depicted federal law enforcement agents as "jack-booted thugs", adding that "in Clinton's administration, if you have a badge, you have the government's go-ahead to harass, intimidate, even murder law-abiding citizens". | On occasion, he even went further than the most extreme of his members, driving the pro-gun movement ever more to the right. His propensity for colourful language – such a contrast to his measured, bureaucrat's demeanour – could get him into trouble. In 1995 he famously put his name to an NRA fundraising leaflet that depicted federal law enforcement agents as "jack-booted thugs", adding that "in Clinton's administration, if you have a badge, you have the government's go-ahead to harass, intimidate, even murder law-abiding citizens". |
| A few weeks after the leaflet was circulated, Timothy McVeigh, a former NRA member, carried out the Oklahoma City bombing, killing 168 people including many federal agents. LaPierre was forced to issue a grovelling apology, and in the fall-out the former president George Bush Sr resigned from the association and several gun manufacturers broke off relations. | A few weeks after the leaflet was circulated, Timothy McVeigh, a former NRA member, carried out the Oklahoma City bombing, killing 168 people including many federal agents. LaPierre was forced to issue a grovelling apology, and in the fall-out the former president George Bush Sr resigned from the association and several gun manufacturers broke off relations. |
| Despite this bruising experience, LaPierre has continued to attack advocates of gun control in highly intemperate terms. In March 2000 he accused the then president Bill Clinton of having "blood on his hands" and being "willing to accept a certain level of killing to further his political agenda". | Despite this bruising experience, LaPierre has continued to attack advocates of gun control in highly intemperate terms. In March 2000 he accused the then president Bill Clinton of having "blood on his hands" and being "willing to accept a certain level of killing to further his political agenda". |
| In between slamming advocates of gun control, LaPierre has maintained an unbending opposition to any legislative measures to introduce greater safety into the US gun market. He has used his substantial knowledge of the workings of Congress as well as his skills as a lobbyist to stymie any reforms. | In between slamming advocates of gun control, LaPierre has maintained an unbending opposition to any legislative measures to introduce greater safety into the US gun market. He has used his substantial knowledge of the workings of Congress as well as his skills as a lobbyist to stymie any reforms. |
| Such an inflexible approach has brought him into conflict even with other gun supporters. Richard Feldman, a former senior member of the NRA who now heads the Independent Firearm Owners Association, remembers how LaPierre came at him when he tried to introduce child safety locks on to all guns in the wake of the 1998 shooting spree at an Oregon high school in which Kip Kinkel, 15, killed two students and injured 25. LaPierre launched a campaign to discredit the case for child locks that argued it would expose single mothers in high-crime areas to greater risk of burglary. | Such an inflexible approach has brought him into conflict even with other gun supporters. Richard Feldman, a former senior member of the NRA who now heads the Independent Firearm Owners Association, remembers how LaPierre came at him when he tried to introduce child safety locks on to all guns in the wake of the 1998 shooting spree at an Oregon high school in which Kip Kinkel, 15, killed two students and injured 25. LaPierre launched a campaign to discredit the case for child locks that argued it would expose single mothers in high-crime areas to greater risk of burglary. |
| Feldman says: "We did it because the lack of safety locks was giving gun ownership a bad name, but still the NRA didn't like it. That was a silly fight for them to engage in." | Feldman says: "We did it because the lack of safety locks was giving gun ownership a bad name, but still the NRA didn't like it. That was a silly fight for them to engage in." |
| After every gun rampage that has erupted across the US, LaPierre has adopted the same posture. First, he maintains several days or weeks of silence; then, when the initial shock and anger have subsided, he mobilises the full resources of the NRA to resist any post-massacre moves towards gun controls. | After every gun rampage that has erupted across the US, LaPierre has adopted the same posture. First, he maintains several days or weeks of silence; then, when the initial shock and anger have subsided, he mobilises the full resources of the NRA to resist any post-massacre moves towards gun controls. |
| The pattern has been much on display during Barack Obama's first four years in office. After the January 2011 Tucson shooting that killed six and left the Congress member Gabby Giffords shot in the head, LaPierre refused point blank even to meet Obama to discuss the issue of gun safety. "Why should I sit down with a group of people that have spent a lifetime trying to destroy the second amendment in the US?" | The pattern has been much on display during Barack Obama's first four years in office. After the January 2011 Tucson shooting that killed six and left the Congress member Gabby Giffords shot in the head, LaPierre refused point blank even to meet Obama to discuss the issue of gun safety. "Why should I sit down with a group of people that have spent a lifetime trying to destroy the second amendment in the US?" |
| Three days after the Aurora cinema shooting this July, in which 12 people were killed, LaPierre put out a letter that sought to raise money off the back of the disaster. Using his favoured fear-mongering methods, he warned gun enthusiasts that were Obama re-elected in November, "the future of your second amendment rights will be at stake, and nothing less than the future of our country and our freedom will be at stake". | Three days after the Aurora cinema shooting this July, in which 12 people were killed, LaPierre put out a letter that sought to raise money off the back of the disaster. Using his favoured fear-mongering methods, he warned gun enthusiasts that were Obama re-elected in November, "the future of your second amendment rights will be at stake, and nothing less than the future of our country and our freedom will be at stake". |
| Such intransigence has tested the loyalty even of firm believers in the right to carry arms in America. Bill Badger is a retired US army colonel who, though not an NRA member, has been a lifelong gun owner and supporter of shooting rights. | Such intransigence has tested the loyalty even of firm believers in the right to carry arms in America. Bill Badger is a retired US army colonel who, though not an NRA member, has been a lifelong gun owner and supporter of shooting rights. |
| But he became convinced of the need for reforms, including a ban on military-style assault weapons, on 8 January 2011. He was attending a street-corner rally called by Giffords when the suspected killer, Jared Lee Loughner, opened fire, shooting Badger in the back of the head. Badger's military training came into its own, and despite having been hit he managed to grab the shooter as he tried to reload and threw him to the ground. | But he became convinced of the need for reforms, including a ban on military-style assault weapons, on 8 January 2011. He was attending a street-corner rally called by Giffords when the suspected killer, Jared Lee Loughner, opened fire, shooting Badger in the back of the head. Badger's military training came into its own, and despite having been hit he managed to grab the shooter as he tried to reload and threw him to the ground. |
| Loughner was armed with a Glock handgun equipped with a 33-round magazine. Badger believes that if a federal ban on magazines larger than 10 rounds had been in place, the shooter would have been overpowered more quickly and much grief and blood-spilling would have been avoided. | Loughner was armed with a Glock handgun equipped with a 33-round magazine. Badger believes that if a federal ban on magazines larger than 10 rounds had been in place, the shooter would have been overpowered more quickly and much grief and blood-spilling would have been avoided. |
| When Badger went to the NRA annual conference last year and tried to make the case for a ban on extended clips and assault rifles to LaPierre, he was told the NRA chief was too busy to meet him. Badger has now concluded that it is time for LaPierre and the other NRA executives to go. | When Badger went to the NRA annual conference last year and tried to make the case for a ban on extended clips and assault rifles to LaPierre, he was told the NRA chief was too busy to meet him. Badger has now concluded that it is time for LaPierre and the other NRA executives to go. |
| "They are too stubborn, too publicity-loving. The top leadership of the NRA needs to be replaced." | "They are too stubborn, too publicity-loving. The top leadership of the NRA needs to be replaced." |
| By ruling out all compromise in his speech on Friday, LaPierre has thrown down the gauntlet to Obama, who has promised to use all his presidential powers to bring about meaningful change. This will be the NRA chief's ultimate battle, and whether or not he wins will have deep implications not just for him, not just for gun owners, but for all Americans. | By ruling out all compromise in his speech on Friday, LaPierre has thrown down the gauntlet to Obama, who has promised to use all his presidential powers to bring about meaningful change. This will be the NRA chief's ultimate battle, and whether or not he wins will have deep implications not just for him, not just for gun owners, but for all Americans. |
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