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| Jacob Zuma says Marikana killings a wake-up call on workers' conditions | Jacob Zuma says Marikana killings a wake-up call on workers' conditions |
| (21 days later) | |
| The centenary year of the African National Congress began with songs and champagne but ends as an unqualified annus horribilis. South Africa suffered rising public protests, credit rating downgrades, education failures, a verbal brawl over a painting of the presidential privates and a massacre of 34 striking workers in the bloodiest state crackdown since racial apartheid. | The centenary year of the African National Congress began with songs and champagne but ends as an unqualified annus horribilis. South Africa suffered rising public protests, credit rating downgrades, education failures, a verbal brawl over a painting of the presidential privates and a massacre of 34 striking workers in the bloodiest state crackdown since racial apartheid. |
| Many presidents would dread a leadership contest at the end of such a year, especially when a 248m rand (£18m) security upgrade of his private residence has become another political firestorm. Yet Jacob Zuma goes to the ANC conference in Mangaung next week widely expected to receive a vote of confidence, in effect guaranteeing him the most powerful job in Africa until 2019. | Many presidents would dread a leadership contest at the end of such a year, especially when a 248m rand (£18m) security upgrade of his private residence has become another political firestorm. Yet Jacob Zuma goes to the ANC conference in Mangaung next week widely expected to receive a vote of confidence, in effect guaranteeing him the most powerful job in Africa until 2019. |
| In his wood-panelled office in Pretoria, Zuma did not appear burdened by history or the Cassandras who foresee burning towers and a Zimbabwe-like fall for the nation of Nelson Mandela. The 70-year-old was breezy, upbeat and hard to dislike, a demeanour his supporters perceive as steady pragmatism – and his detractors see as hopelessly glib and out of touch. The official opposition gave him a F-grade for 2012 and is seeking a parliamentary vote of no confidence. | In his wood-panelled office in Pretoria, Zuma did not appear burdened by history or the Cassandras who foresee burning towers and a Zimbabwe-like fall for the nation of Nelson Mandela. The 70-year-old was breezy, upbeat and hard to dislike, a demeanour his supporters perceive as steady pragmatism – and his detractors see as hopelessly glib and out of touch. The official opposition gave him a F-grade for 2012 and is seeking a parliamentary vote of no confidence. |
| In a wide-ranging interview, he discussed the mining crisis, his nemesis, Julius Malema, gay rights in Africa and that painting. | In a wide-ranging interview, he discussed the mining crisis, his nemesis, Julius Malema, gay rights in Africa and that painting. |
| "Nobody expected Marikana," said Zuma, of the police shooting of workers at the Lonmin platinum mine in August. "But I think you can't fail to appreciate that Marikana happened in a democratic country. If it was during apartheid, there were many Marikanas almost on a daily basis, and there was nothing that anyone could do." | "Nobody expected Marikana," said Zuma, of the police shooting of workers at the Lonmin platinum mine in August. "But I think you can't fail to appreciate that Marikana happened in a democratic country. If it was during apartheid, there were many Marikanas almost on a daily basis, and there was nothing that anyone could do." |
| He said the establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry into the shootings showed how South Africa had changed. "You would not have had that during apartheid days. That's the beauty of democracy, because it doesn't mean that when you have got democracy there will be no such mishap and shocking things. I think the test is how does the country handles that. To me, that is the difference." | He said the establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry into the shootings showed how South Africa had changed. "You would not have had that during apartheid days. That's the beauty of democracy, because it doesn't mean that when you have got democracy there will be no such mishap and shocking things. I think the test is how does the country handles that. To me, that is the difference." |
| But in most democracies would not the police minister, at least, have fallen on his sword? "Well, I don't know about other countries. Again it's a question of how people look into that. What is it that caused Marikana, really?" | But in most democracies would not the police minister, at least, have fallen on his sword? "Well, I don't know about other countries. Again it's a question of how people look into that. What is it that caused Marikana, really?" |
| A dispute over wages had led to unrest, he said. "Now you can't say the minister of police is responsible for that, to start the thing. When the workers were striking, they had every other kind of weapon in their hands. In fact, long before the shooting, 10 people had died, including two policemen, two security policemen." | A dispute over wages had led to unrest, he said. "Now you can't say the minister of police is responsible for that, to start the thing. When the workers were striking, they had every other kind of weapon in their hands. In fact, long before the shooting, 10 people had died, including two policemen, two security policemen." |
| In a vein likely to anger families and supporters of the slain mineworkers, Zuma asked: "How many other people would have died if, for example, police did not move to disarm these people? Nobody can tell. At a spur of the moment, a mistake happened. Now if such a mistake happened, you throw the minister away? I don't know on what basis." | In a vein likely to anger families and supporters of the slain mineworkers, Zuma asked: "How many other people would have died if, for example, police did not move to disarm these people? Nobody can tell. At a spur of the moment, a mistake happened. Now if such a mistake happened, you throw the minister away? I don't know on what basis." |
| Marikana could be the defining event of Zuma's presidency and has certainly shone a harsh light on South Africa's mining sector, where for more than a century lack of safety has cost well in excess of 50,000 lives. Migrant workers continue to live far from their families in grim conditions, carrying out hazardous work for what many argue is pitifully low pay. | Marikana could be the defining event of Zuma's presidency and has certainly shone a harsh light on South Africa's mining sector, where for more than a century lack of safety has cost well in excess of 50,000 lives. Migrant workers continue to live far from their families in grim conditions, carrying out hazardous work for what many argue is pitifully low pay. |
| In what appeared to be a warning to international mining companies such as Lonmin, which is listed on the London stock exchange, Zuma said: "If we don't tackle the change, and that mining should transform, you will from time to time have such situations. It's not the first time that people have this kind of strike wherein many people die. We've got to transform that, particularly if it is one of the backbones of our industry. | In what appeared to be a warning to international mining companies such as Lonmin, which is listed on the London stock exchange, Zuma said: "If we don't tackle the change, and that mining should transform, you will from time to time have such situations. It's not the first time that people have this kind of strike wherein many people die. We've got to transform that, particularly if it is one of the backbones of our industry. |
| "The conditions of workers should change. They can't continue to be what they were many decades ago. I would imagine Marikana in a democratic South Africa has been a wake-up call to say: let us fix the conditions of the workers and make the conditions to be in keeping with what this industry is producing. I think it contributes a lot in terms of the economy. It almost borders on exploitation, as it were, the conditions of employment, the level of the salary, etc. I believe this is a moment to transform." | "The conditions of workers should change. They can't continue to be what they were many decades ago. I would imagine Marikana in a democratic South Africa has been a wake-up call to say: let us fix the conditions of the workers and make the conditions to be in keeping with what this industry is producing. I think it contributes a lot in terms of the economy. It almost borders on exploitation, as it were, the conditions of employment, the level of the salary, etc. I believe this is a moment to transform." |
| The interview, conducted before Mandela's admission to hospital with a lung infection put the nation on edge, took place at South Africa's version of the White House. The light sandstone Union Buildings, at 99 a year younger than the ANC, are a visual metaphor for the republic's rich and sometimes jarring contradictions. Designed by Sir Herbert Baker, the "Union" refers to that of Boers and British, not the black majority; statues of Botha and Hertzog dominate the lawns; first world war memorials carry mostly Anglo-Saxon names. It was in the midst of all this that Mandela was inaugurated in 1994 and Zuma 15 years later. | The interview, conducted before Mandela's admission to hospital with a lung infection put the nation on edge, took place at South Africa's version of the White House. The light sandstone Union Buildings, at 99 a year younger than the ANC, are a visual metaphor for the republic's rich and sometimes jarring contradictions. Designed by Sir Herbert Baker, the "Union" refers to that of Boers and British, not the black majority; statues of Botha and Hertzog dominate the lawns; first world war memorials carry mostly Anglo-Saxon names. It was in the midst of all this that Mandela was inaugurated in 1994 and Zuma 15 years later. |
| Political liberation has been achieved but, ask Zuma's critics on the left, has economic liberation been sacrificed? The latest census shows white people still earn six times more than black people, though the gap is slowly narrowing, while a recent study found that black people directly own less than 10% of the Johannesburg stock market. | Political liberation has been achieved but, ask Zuma's critics on the left, has economic liberation been sacrificed? The latest census shows white people still earn six times more than black people, though the gap is slowly narrowing, while a recent study found that black people directly own less than 10% of the Johannesburg stock market. |
| "We have a history in South Africa of an entrenched white monopoly capital," Zuma said. "The economy in South Africa was racially structured for many decades, if not centuries. I don't think in 18 years you could solve that unless you have a miracle. I think we've got all the policies in place to deal with that issue." | "We have a history in South Africa of an entrenched white monopoly capital," Zuma said. "The economy in South Africa was racially structured for many decades, if not centuries. I don't think in 18 years you could solve that unless you have a miracle. I think we've got all the policies in place to deal with that issue." |
| Black people had been denied access to the mainstream economy and to education, he added, but nationalising mines or seizing farms were not the answer. "It's a tough struggle to deal with that and therefore the monopoly continues. In other places, they get freedom, they say, 'Sorry, we nationalise,' and it has had its own consequences in other countries. We are a constitutional democracy. We must deal with things properly within the framework of the law and then the constitution. I think we are making good inroads, which I think is in keeping with the massive programme of education we are putting in place." | Black people had been denied access to the mainstream economy and to education, he added, but nationalising mines or seizing farms were not the answer. "It's a tough struggle to deal with that and therefore the monopoly continues. In other places, they get freedom, they say, 'Sorry, we nationalise,' and it has had its own consequences in other countries. We are a constitutional democracy. We must deal with things properly within the framework of the law and then the constitution. I think we are making good inroads, which I think is in keeping with the massive programme of education we are putting in place." |
| Yet South Africa is one of the most unequal societies on the planet. The ANC's union allies have warned of a "ticking timebomb" with unemployment at 36.2% hitting young black people especially hard. Bishop Jo Seoka, president of the South African Council of Churches, recently warned that a revolution could go from mines and wine farms to townships to suburbs. Moeletsi Mbeki, a political economist and brother of the former president Thabo Mbeki, predicted South Africa's "Tunisia Day" will come in 2020. | Yet South Africa is one of the most unequal societies on the planet. The ANC's union allies have warned of a "ticking timebomb" with unemployment at 36.2% hitting young black people especially hard. Bishop Jo Seoka, president of the South African Council of Churches, recently warned that a revolution could go from mines and wine farms to townships to suburbs. Moeletsi Mbeki, a political economist and brother of the former president Thabo Mbeki, predicted South Africa's "Tunisia Day" will come in 2020. |
| Will the country blow? | Will the country blow? |
| "I don't think there's a ticking timebomb," Zuma said. "Unemployment is a global issue … but in South Africa it gets exaggerated precisely because of the history, because of the fact that of the unemployed, quite a good percentage is unemployable, and this is what we've got to deal with. If there were no measures taken to deal with the problem, I'll be saying people are correct." | "I don't think there's a ticking timebomb," Zuma said. "Unemployment is a global issue … but in South Africa it gets exaggerated precisely because of the history, because of the fact that of the unemployed, quite a good percentage is unemployable, and this is what we've got to deal with. If there were no measures taken to deal with the problem, I'll be saying people are correct." |
| Such an answer is unlikely to satisfy Malema, who as president of the ANC youth league called for radical steps to overhaul the economy. He was expelled for ill-discipline this year. | Such an answer is unlikely to satisfy Malema, who as president of the ANC youth league called for radical steps to overhaul the economy. He was expelled for ill-discipline this year. |
| Asked how he felt about Malema's personal attacks, Zuma replied: "I don't feel much because to me it has exposed what type of a person he is, it has exposed the depth of his politics, it has exposed to me the level of his care and love of the organisation. When he says he loves it, anyone who loves this organisation does not behave like that. I don't think I've got time to waste on such matters really." | Asked how he felt about Malema's personal attacks, Zuma replied: "I don't feel much because to me it has exposed what type of a person he is, it has exposed the depth of his politics, it has exposed to me the level of his care and love of the organisation. When he says he loves it, anyone who loves this organisation does not behave like that. I don't think I've got time to waste on such matters really." |
| Is Malema's political career finished? "Well, I'm not going to guess that, but I think it will depend on how people move. You could have your political career continue but in a totally different way. But in the ANC he has been expelled, and I'm not certain that he's doing anything for people to think expelling was not the right remedy." | Is Malema's political career finished? "Well, I'm not going to guess that, but I think it will depend on how people move. You could have your political career continue but in a totally different way. But in the ANC he has been expelled, and I'm not certain that he's doing anything for people to think expelling was not the right remedy." |
| Malema has tried to land any punch on Zuma that he can, including the president's private life: he is a traditional Zulu polygamist with four wives and 21 children. He has been criticised for culturally fundamentalist remarks about women and gay people. Other leaders on the continent have described homosexuality as "unAfrican". So where does Zuma stand on gay marriage, which was legalised by South Africa in 2006 – the first African country to do so? | Malema has tried to land any punch on Zuma that he can, including the president's private life: he is a traditional Zulu polygamist with four wives and 21 children. He has been criticised for culturally fundamentalist remarks about women and gay people. Other leaders on the continent have described homosexuality as "unAfrican". So where does Zuma stand on gay marriage, which was legalised by South Africa in 2006 – the first African country to do so? |
| "That does not necessarily require my view; it requires the views of South Africans," he said carefully. "We have a constitution that is very clear that we all respect, which I respect. It has a view on that one, that gay marriage is a constitutionally accepted thing in South Africa. So no matter what my views would be." | "That does not necessarily require my view; it requires the views of South Africans," he said carefully. "We have a constitution that is very clear that we all respect, which I respect. It has a view on that one, that gay marriage is a constitutionally accepted thing in South Africa. So no matter what my views would be." |
| Asked how he would react if one of his children told him they were gay, Zuma replied: "I'd react in a particular way, but she or he would have taken a decision. I would respect that, for that's what the constitution says. There are small things that would have made me to have a feeling, otherwise I would not be a parent. If for example I had a child, and I'm sure I would want to have a grandchild one day, no matter how much I accept the reality but inside I would be saying, 'I wish I would have had a grandchild, but nevertheless the person has taken the decision, on the constitution I must accept.'" | Asked how he would react if one of his children told him they were gay, Zuma replied: "I'd react in a particular way, but she or he would have taken a decision. I would respect that, for that's what the constitution says. There are small things that would have made me to have a feeling, otherwise I would not be a parent. If for example I had a child, and I'm sure I would want to have a grandchild one day, no matter how much I accept the reality but inside I would be saying, 'I wish I would have had a grandchild, but nevertheless the person has taken the decision, on the constitution I must accept.'" |
| Zuma's own sex life became a talking point in 2012 when he was depicted as Lenin with exposed genitals in Brett Murray's satirical painting The Spear. The president's supporters marched on the Goodman Gallery in Johannesburg and two protesters defaced the artwork. There was a toxic debate about art, race and the right to offend in which people mostly talked past each other. | Zuma's own sex life became a talking point in 2012 when he was depicted as Lenin with exposed genitals in Brett Murray's satirical painting The Spear. The president's supporters marched on the Goodman Gallery in Johannesburg and two protesters defaced the artwork. There was a toxic debate about art, race and the right to offend in which people mostly talked past each other. |
| What did The Spear say about South Africa today? "There will be individuals who think differently. I don't think in a country you can have people thinking and feeling exactly the same. I think it is people have got their own ideas, they want to express them. I might have a view about it, but some people might have a different view about it. | What did The Spear say about South Africa today? "There will be individuals who think differently. I don't think in a country you can have people thinking and feeling exactly the same. I think it is people have got their own ideas, they want to express them. I might have a view about it, but some people might have a different view about it. |
| "I thought it was rather vulgar," Zuma said. "Particularly if you portray a particular person (that way), but of course I think the population did express itself at that time, which will tell you it is not everybody who approved of it. I think in fact the majority did not approve of it … Some white people, for example, thought that was not helpful to deal with the race issue in the country." | "I thought it was rather vulgar," Zuma said. "Particularly if you portray a particular person (that way), but of course I think the population did express itself at that time, which will tell you it is not everybody who approved of it. I think in fact the majority did not approve of it … Some white people, for example, thought that was not helpful to deal with the race issue in the country." |
| The ANC, Africa's oldest liberation movement, has much to be proud of but, after 18 years in government, has by its own admission committed "sins of incumbency". It goes to conference wracked by infighting that Zuma insists is the lifeblood of internal democracy. The party will win the 2014 general election comfortably enough, but its hegemony is eroding, raising the spectre of a traumatic defeat in 2019 or 2024. | The ANC, Africa's oldest liberation movement, has much to be proud of but, after 18 years in government, has by its own admission committed "sins of incumbency". It goes to conference wracked by infighting that Zuma insists is the lifeblood of internal democracy. The party will win the 2014 general election comfortably enough, but its hegemony is eroding, raising the spectre of a traumatic defeat in 2019 or 2024. |
| Would it accept the will of the voters, unlike other liberation movements such as Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF? "Of course, yes," said Zuma, who once declared the ANC would rule until Jesus came back. "No doubt, ANC will accept it early in the morning. We'll accept it. That's it." | Would it accept the will of the voters, unlike other liberation movements such as Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF? "Of course, yes," said Zuma, who once declared the ANC would rule until Jesus came back. "No doubt, ANC will accept it early in the morning. We'll accept it. That's it." |
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