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Putin Fires Defense Minister Linked to Real Estate Investigation Putin Ousts Defense Chief, Longtime Ally
(about 2 hours later)
MOSCOW — President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia fired his powerful defense minister on Tuesday after the police raided the property of a real estate company involved in the privatization of valuable ministry land near Moscow.MOSCOW — President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia fired his powerful defense minister on Tuesday after the police raided the property of a real estate company involved in the privatization of valuable ministry land near Moscow.
The firing of Anatoly E. Serdyukov, a longtime Putin ally, is one of the highest-level dismissals tied to a corruption case in recent memory in Russia. It was also a rare move by Mr. Putin, who has been reluctant to dismiss members of his inner circle.The firing of Anatoly E. Serdyukov, a longtime Putin ally, is one of the highest-level dismissals tied to a corruption case in recent memory in Russia. It was also a rare move by Mr. Putin, who has been reluctant to dismiss members of his inner circle.
Mr. Putin appointed another longtime political ally, Sergei K. Shoigu, the former minister of emergency situations, as the country’s new defense minister.Mr. Putin appointed another longtime political ally, Sergei K. Shoigu, the former minister of emergency situations, as the country’s new defense minister.
Dmitri S. Peskov, Mr. Putin’s spokesman, said the firing was necessary to allow the police to continue their investigation of wrongdoing within the Defense Ministry, which he said would not be possible if Mr. Serdyukov remained. Even as Mr. Putin forced Mr. Serdyukov from office, he praised the minister’s past work. Dmitri S. Peskov, Mr. Putin’s spokesman, said the firing was necessary to allow the police to continue their investigation of wrongdoing in the Defense Ministry, which he said would not be possible if Mr. Serdyukov remained. Even as Mr. Putin forced Mr. Serdyukov out, he praised the minister’s past work.
Many ministers in the Russian government have secondary roles in business and extensive property and wealth that is typically tolerated unless they fall from favor for another reason, analysts of Russian politics say.Many ministers in the Russian government have secondary roles in business and extensive property and wealth that is typically tolerated unless they fall from favor for another reason, analysts of Russian politics say.
“In Russia, where what matters first and foremost are informal deals and relations, we should be looking for some kind of intrigue behind this all, some kind of a clash of very important interests,” Maria Lipman, a researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, said in an interview.“In Russia, where what matters first and foremost are informal deals and relations, we should be looking for some kind of intrigue behind this all, some kind of a clash of very important interests,” Maria Lipman, a researcher at the Carnegie Moscow Center, said in an interview.
Ms. Lipman said that corruption cases are sometimes opened as a way of settling scores and that “in an environment as corrupt as Russia, almost anyone can fall victim.”Ms. Lipman said that corruption cases are sometimes opened as a way of settling scores and that “in an environment as corrupt as Russia, almost anyone can fall victim.”
Why Mr. Serdyukov was removed from office is unclear. Russian media have suggested that there may have been a clash of a personal nature between Mr. Serdyukov and his father-in-law, a close associate of Mr. Putin, or a conflict with military generals. Why Mr. Serdyukov was removed from office is unclear. The Russian news media have suggested that there might have been a clash of a personal nature between Mr. Serdyukov and his father-in-law, a close associate of Mr. Putin, or a conflict with military generals.
Since his appointment in 2007, Mr. Serdyukov, a former furniture store manager, alienated the uniformed military through a reform that thinned the top-heavy officer ranks. It was a policy to change the “egg-shaped” hierarchy of the Russian Army into a pyramid form. Since his appointment in 2007, Mr. Serdyukov, a former furniture store manager, alienated the uniformed military through changes that thinned the top-heavy officer ranks. It was a policy to alter the “egg-shaped” hierarchy of the Russian Army into a pyramid form.
To do so, Mr. Serdyukov fired or forced into early retirement 40,000 officers since 2008 and reduced the number of active-duty generals and admirals by almost by half, from 1,107 four years ago to 610 today. To do so, Mr. Serdyukov has fired or forced into early retirement 40,000 officers since 2008 and reduced the number of active-duty generals and admirals by almost by half, from 1,107 four years ago to 610 today.
Such moves won Mr. Serdyukov no friends within the officer corps, which he once derisively referred to as a group of “little green men.” Such moves won Mr. Serdyukov no friends within the officer corps, which he once derisively referred to as a group of “little green men.” Officers, in turn, took to calling him “General Stool,” in reference to the years he managed the Mebel-Market furniture shop in St. Petersburg, from 1985 until 2000.
Officers, in turn, took to calling him “General Stool,” in reference to the 15 years he managed the Mebel-Market furniture shop in St. Petersburg. Russia’s defense industry was a crucial base of support for Mr. Putin in the presidential election he won in March. As part of the campaign, Mr. Putin pledged major increases in military spending, promises that have been cast into uncertainty in budget negotiations.
Russia’s defense industry was a crucial base of support for Mr. Putin in the presidential election he won in March. As part of the campaign, Mr. Putin pledged major increases in defense spending, promises that have been cast into uncertainty during budget negotiations.
Now that the painful cuts are behind him, Mr. Putin wanted to distance himself from them by summarily firing the unpopular Mr. Serdyukov, thus appeasing the officers, suggested Ruslan Pukhov, director of Center for the Analysis of Strategy and Technologies, a Russian research group.Now that the painful cuts are behind him, Mr. Putin wanted to distance himself from them by summarily firing the unpopular Mr. Serdyukov, thus appeasing the officers, suggested Ruslan Pukhov, director of Center for the Analysis of Strategy and Technologies, a Russian research group.
Mr. Serdyukov had also reportedly fallen out with his father-in-law, the close associate of Mr. Putin, Mr. Pukhov and other analysts said Mr. Serdyukov had also reportedly fallen out with his father-in-law, the close associate of Mr. Putin, Mr. Pukhov and other analysts said.
In this light, the firing of Mr. Serdyukov, who had overseen the nuclear arsenal, raised the prospect of potentially destabilizing family disagreements within the tight ruling elite in Russia, where nepotism is tolerated.In this light, the firing of Mr. Serdyukov, who had overseen the nuclear arsenal, raised the prospect of potentially destabilizing family disagreements within the tight ruling elite in Russia, where nepotism is tolerated.
Mr. Serdyukov was married to Yulia V. Pokhlebenina, the daughter of Viktor A. Zubkov, a former prime minister and chairman of Gazprom, the natural gas company, a post in Russia with power at least rivaling that of minister of defense. Mr. Zubkov first worked as an aide to Mr. Putin in 1992, in the St. Petersburg mayor’s office, where Mr. Putin was a vice mayor.Mr. Serdyukov was married to Yulia V. Pokhlebenina, the daughter of Viktor A. Zubkov, a former prime minister and chairman of Gazprom, the natural gas company, a post in Russia with power at least rivaling that of minister of defense. Mr. Zubkov first worked as an aide to Mr. Putin in 1992, in the St. Petersburg mayor’s office, where Mr. Putin was a vice mayor.
But the couple had recently become estranged, some commentators said.But the couple had recently become estranged, some commentators said.
“In the understanding of our leaders, betraying the family is a crime more dangerous than theft or murder,” Aleksei A. Navalny, an anticorruption activist and opposition leader, wrote in an online posting. “In the understanding of our leaders, betraying the family is a crime more dangerous than theft or murder,” Aleksei A. Navalny, an anticorruption activist and opposition leader, wrote in an online posting. “That is why today the son-in-law stopped being the minister of defense. Or, more accurately, the son-in-law stopped being the son-in-law, and so we need a new minister.”
“That is why today the son-in-law stopped being the minister of defense. Or, more accurately, the son-in-law stopped being the son-in-law, and so we need a new minister.” In one police raid late last month on the company that was engaged in real estate deals with the ministry, the authorities searched the home of a female director, Yevgenia N. Vasilyeva, a former subordinate to Mr. Serdyukov at the ministry.
In one police raid late last month targeting the company that was engaged in real estate deals with the ministry, the authorities searched the home of a female employee, Yevgenia N. Vasilyeva. Though it was a pre-dawn raid, they found Mr. Serdyukov at that location, LifeNews, an online publication that often receives exclusive news from the security services, reported. The police reportedly led Ms. Vasilyeva from the apartment in handcuffs and confiscated her jewelry and other valuables. Though it was a pre-dawn raid, they found Mr. Serdyukov at the home, LifeNews, an online publication that often receives exclusive news from the security services, reported. RBK newspaper reported the minister met investigators in slippers and a bathrobe. The police reportedly led Ms. Vasilyeva out in handcuffs and confiscated her jewelry and other valuables.
“This is a personal matter,” Vladimir A. Ryzhkov, an opposition politician, said, describing the affair as evidence of the “clannish, Byzantine and deeply personal” nature of the relationships among the high-placed officials around Mr. Putin who have ruled Russia for more than a decade. “This is a personal matter,” Vladimir A. Ryzhkov, an opposition politician, said, describing the affair as evidence of the “clannish, byzantine and deeply personal” nature of the relationships among the high-placed officials around Mr. Putin who have led Russia for over a decade.
Aleksei A. Venediktov, editor of Ekho Moskvy radio station noted in a commentary over the weekend that under Russian nuclear deterrence policy the defense minister is entrusted, like the president, with the so-called nuclear suitcase of launch codes and communication equipment needed to order a nuclear strike. As such, he is also under round-the-clock guard. Aleksei A. Venediktov, editor of Ekho Moskvy radio station, noted in a commentary over the weekend that under Russian nuclear deterrence policy the defense minister is entrusted, like the president, with the so-called nuclear suitcase of launch codes and communication equipment needed to order a nuclear strike. As such, he is also under round-the-clock guard.
Only an order from Mr. Putin or his chief of staff, Sergei Ivanov, could compel the guard detail for the launch codes to stand aside, Mr. Venediktov said, allowing criminal investigators to enter the apartment in the Arbat neighborhood of Moscow where the defense minister and Ms. Vasilyeva were located. Only an order from Mr. Putin or his chief of staff, Sergei Ivanov, could compel the guard detail for the launch codes to stand aside, Mr. Venediktov said, allowing criminal investigators to enter the apartment in Moscow where the defense minister and Ms. Vasilyeva were located.
“It was a demonstrative humiliation,” Mr. Venediktov said.“It was a demonstrative humiliation,” Mr. Venediktov said.

Andrew Roth contributed reporting.

Andrew Roth contributed reporting.