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| Nobel peace prize leads EU to question its raison d'être | Nobel peace prize leads EU to question its raison d'être |
| (about 1 month later) | |
| As the days close in and the weather turns chilly, EU officials will have been cursing the union's founding fathers as they wait for early morning trains from Brussels to Luxembourg. | As the days close in and the weather turns chilly, EU officials will have been cursing the union's founding fathers as they wait for early morning trains from Brussels to Luxembourg. |
| One of the least known – and to some one of the more absurd – EU rules holds that in the months of April, June and October all meetings of the council of ministers must take place in the Grand Duchy. | One of the least known – and to some one of the more absurd – EU rules holds that in the months of April, June and October all meetings of the council of ministers must take place in the Grand Duchy. |
| Critics say that the trek, along with the monthly commute for members of the European parliament to Strasbourg, shows that the EU is out of touch and fritters away cash like confetti. | Critics say that the trek, along with the monthly commute for members of the European parliament to Strasbourg, shows that the EU is out of touch and fritters away cash like confetti. |
| For the founding fathers the commute would have symbolised one of the EU's principal features – the devolution of power – that was designed to ensure that one mighty power was never again allowed to dominate the continent. "Plus jamais la guerre", the rallying cry that resounded across Europe after the first world war, was borrowed by the EU's founding fathers 30 years later when they established the European Economic Community to ensure that the continent would never again be ravaged by war. | For the founding fathers the commute would have symbolised one of the EU's principal features – the devolution of power – that was designed to ensure that one mighty power was never again allowed to dominate the continent. "Plus jamais la guerre", the rallying cry that resounded across Europe after the first world war, was borrowed by the EU's founding fathers 30 years later when they established the European Economic Community to ensure that the continent would never again be ravaged by war. |
| The award of the Nobel peace prize to the EU on Friday shows that, to some at least, the peace of the last 60 years in western Europe is an achievement of genuinely historic proportions. "Today war between Germany and France is unthinkable," the Nobel committee said in its statement which echoed the exact wording of the Schuman declaration of 1950 which led to the eventual creation of the EU. | The award of the Nobel peace prize to the EU on Friday shows that, to some at least, the peace of the last 60 years in western Europe is an achievement of genuinely historic proportions. "Today war between Germany and France is unthinkable," the Nobel committee said in its statement which echoed the exact wording of the Schuman declaration of 1950 which led to the eventual creation of the EU. |
| But the general guffaws that greeted the award in Britain – and the embarrassed shuffling among some EU officials at the dangers of complacent back slapping – show that the EU can no longer rely on 60 years of Franco-German peace to justify its existence. "The EU is not a cause, but a symptom of a European peace born out of the defeat of fascism, the spread of democracy and the security of the Nato alliance," the Eurosceptic Conservative MEP Dan Hannan wrote on his Daily Telegraph blog. | But the general guffaws that greeted the award in Britain – and the embarrassed shuffling among some EU officials at the dangers of complacent back slapping – show that the EU can no longer rely on 60 years of Franco-German peace to justify its existence. "The EU is not a cause, but a symptom of a European peace born out of the defeat of fascism, the spread of democracy and the security of the Nato alliance," the Eurosceptic Conservative MEP Dan Hannan wrote on his Daily Telegraph blog. |
| José Manuel Barroso, the European commission president, was in danger of playing to the stereotype of a remote EU official on Friday when he spoke of his "great emotion" at the award. But Barroso has in fact tried over the last decade to move the EU on from its postwar mindset to make it relevant to the modern world. | José Manuel Barroso, the European commission president, was in danger of playing to the stereotype of a remote EU official on Friday when he spoke of his "great emotion" at the award. But Barroso has in fact tried over the last decade to move the EU on from its postwar mindset to make it relevant to the modern world. |
| He tried, first as prime minister of Portugal, to make the EU more competitive through the liberalising "Lisbon agenda" established in 2000. As commission president, he is now trying to shape the debate about how to design a new union that will have a common governance arrangements for the 17 eurozone states while maintaining the integrity of the single market that is open to all 27 members of the EU. | He tried, first as prime minister of Portugal, to make the EU more competitive through the liberalising "Lisbon agenda" established in 2000. As commission president, he is now trying to shape the debate about how to design a new union that will have a common governance arrangements for the 17 eurozone states while maintaining the integrity of the single market that is open to all 27 members of the EU. |
| Barroso, in common with most EU leaders, failed on the first count and is now struggling to stabilise the eurozone. His plan to create a "federation of nation states" sank in Britain. | Barroso, in common with most EU leaders, failed on the first count and is now struggling to stabilise the eurozone. His plan to create a "federation of nation states" sank in Britain. |
| This failure helps to explains why the EU is seen as remote and of touch and why the people of France and the Netherlands gave the EU such an emphatic thumbs down when they were asked to vote on the European constitution in 2004. The constitution, which was reborn as the Lisbon treaty, was the blueprint that had to be drawn up after the EU embarked on its big bang enlargement in 2004 when it admitted eight former members of the Warsaw pact plus Malta and Cyprus. | This failure helps to explains why the EU is seen as remote and of touch and why the people of France and the Netherlands gave the EU such an emphatic thumbs down when they were asked to vote on the European constitution in 2004. The constitution, which was reborn as the Lisbon treaty, was the blueprint that had to be drawn up after the EU embarked on its big bang enlargement in 2004 when it admitted eight former members of the Warsaw pact plus Malta and Cyprus. |
| The EU's defenders will be hoping that the Nobel peace prize, which specifically cites the success of enlargement, may eventually provide a chance to assess its success in stabilising the continent in recent decades. Charles Grant, the director of the Centre for European Reform, initially laughed off the award but then decided it was a significant moment. | The EU's defenders will be hoping that the Nobel peace prize, which specifically cites the success of enlargement, may eventually provide a chance to assess its success in stabilising the continent in recent decades. Charles Grant, the director of the Centre for European Reform, initially laughed off the award but then decided it was a significant moment. |
| "My first reaction was to think it was a joke," he said. "But the more I thought about it the more I realised that these Nobel guys were seeing the broad sweep of history that some of us, who are obsessed with the latest euro crisis meeting, miss. | "My first reaction was to think it was a joke," he said. "But the more I thought about it the more I realised that these Nobel guys were seeing the broad sweep of history that some of us, who are obsessed with the latest euro crisis meeting, miss. |
| "The enlargement of the EU is the best thing that has happened in its history. First there was Greece in 1981 and then Spain and Portugal in 1986. Nobody thinks they will revert to right wing dictatorships. | "The enlargement of the EU is the best thing that has happened in its history. First there was Greece in 1981 and then Spain and Portugal in 1986. Nobody thinks they will revert to right wing dictatorships. |
| "Yes, the EU sat on the sidelines while Bosnia burned from 1992 to 1995. But we learnt the lesson. After Bosnia and Kosovo, Tony Blair and Jacques Chirac created European defence policy which is not spectacular and not magnificent but does a lot of useful work. Today there are EU peacekeepers in Bosnia and there is a fleet off the coast of Somalia catching pirates that has reduced the numbers of pirates. | "Yes, the EU sat on the sidelines while Bosnia burned from 1992 to 1995. But we learnt the lesson. After Bosnia and Kosovo, Tony Blair and Jacques Chirac created European defence policy which is not spectacular and not magnificent but does a lot of useful work. Today there are EU peacekeepers in Bosnia and there is a fleet off the coast of Somalia catching pirates that has reduced the numbers of pirates. |
| "And then there was the enlargement to the east in 2004 including of course Poland. Poland is the great success story. Romania and Bulgaria [who joined in 2007] are a mess. But they are less of a mess." | "And then there was the enlargement to the east in 2004 including of course Poland. Poland is the great success story. Romania and Bulgaria [who joined in 2007] are a mess. But they are less of a mess." |
| But Hannan believes the reception that the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, received in Athens shows it is absurd to think of a common community spirit. He wrote in his blog: "A community of identity exists within Germany or Greece. But within the EU? Have a look at what the Germans are saying about Greeks and vice versa. Observe the unrest in Spain. Recall the way Brussels has toppled elected prime ministers in Italy and Greece." | But Hannan believes the reception that the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, received in Athens shows it is absurd to think of a common community spirit. He wrote in his blog: "A community of identity exists within Germany or Greece. But within the EU? Have a look at what the Germans are saying about Greeks and vice versa. Observe the unrest in Spain. Recall the way Brussels has toppled elected prime ministers in Italy and Greece." |
| Hannan and Grant, two of the most eloquent advocates of opposing views on the EU, are both right. Hannan is right to say that a community spirit is unlikely ever to supersede a national identity, particularly in times of crisis. | Hannan and Grant, two of the most eloquent advocates of opposing views on the EU, are both right. Hannan is right to say that a community spirit is unlikely ever to supersede a national identity, particularly in times of crisis. |
| But Grant is right to say that the prospect of EU membership has helped stabilise aspiring members states. The EU failed miserably when the former Yugoslavia fell apart in the mid-90s. The declaration in 1991 by Luxembourg's then foreign minister, Jacques Poos, that "the hour of Europe has dawned" still makes most EU officials cringe. But the imminent admission of Croatia and the eventual admission of Serbia will be a force for calm in the Balkans. | But Grant is right to say that the prospect of EU membership has helped stabilise aspiring members states. The EU failed miserably when the former Yugoslavia fell apart in the mid-90s. The declaration in 1991 by Luxembourg's then foreign minister, Jacques Poos, that "the hour of Europe has dawned" still makes most EU officials cringe. But the imminent admission of Croatia and the eventual admission of Serbia will be a force for calm in the Balkans. |
| France and Germany, the two original motors of the EU, symbolise these apparently contradictory positions. In the wake of three wars in less than 100 years, France and Germany decided to anchor their future in the European project in the 1950s. | France and Germany, the two original motors of the EU, symbolise these apparently contradictory positions. In the wake of three wars in less than 100 years, France and Germany decided to anchor their future in the European project in the 1950s. |
| The French and German cabinets meet regularly and the European parliament meets in plenary session in the Franco-German border town of Strasbourg to symbolise their unity. But France and Germany still fight their corner, as Merkel did this week when she vetoed the merger between BAE Systems and EADS because she feared France and Britain would have a greater say in the new company. | The French and German cabinets meet regularly and the European parliament meets in plenary session in the Franco-German border town of Strasbourg to symbolise their unity. But France and Germany still fight their corner, as Merkel did this week when she vetoed the merger between BAE Systems and EADS because she feared France and Britain would have a greater say in the new company. |
| The 1950 declaration that laid the basis for the EEC by proposing the European Coal and Steel Community was no love story. It was a hard-headed proposal by Robert Schuman, the then French foreign minister, to ensure that war could never be fought again by France and Germany by pooling the two resources vital to wage war – coal and steel. | The 1950 declaration that laid the basis for the EEC by proposing the European Coal and Steel Community was no love story. It was a hard-headed proposal by Robert Schuman, the then French foreign minister, to ensure that war could never be fought again by France and Germany by pooling the two resources vital to wage war – coal and steel. |
| In the most famous section of his declaration, Schuman said: "This merging of our interests in coal and steel production and our joint action will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not only unthinkable but materially impossible." This found an echo in the Nobel citation on Friday. | In the most famous section of his declaration, Schuman said: "This merging of our interests in coal and steel production and our joint action will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not only unthinkable but materially impossible." This found an echo in the Nobel citation on Friday. |
| Grant says: "The EU was conceived by [Jean] Monnet, Schuman, [Konrad] Adenauer, [Alcide] De Gasperi in Italy and [Paul-Henri] Spaak in Belgium as a way of ensuring that after three Franco-German wars in less than 100 years there couldn't be another one. Plus jamais la guerre." | Grant says: "The EU was conceived by [Jean] Monnet, Schuman, [Konrad] Adenauer, [Alcide] De Gasperi in Italy and [Paul-Henri] Spaak in Belgium as a way of ensuring that after three Franco-German wars in less than 100 years there couldn't be another one. Plus jamais la guerre." |
| Grant says the founding fathers even had a kindly godparent overseeing their project. "Let's also not forget: it was always an American plot too to create an European union which of course the Eurosceptics have no idea about. The Americans were always there behind the scenes trying to help Monnet, trying to persuade the French and the Germans to reach agreement and also to persuade the British to join in. They failed on that last thing. But the Americans always saw the EU as a good way of preventing them being drawn into another European war and a good way of creating a bulwark against communism which it was. | Grant says the founding fathers even had a kindly godparent overseeing their project. "Let's also not forget: it was always an American plot too to create an European union which of course the Eurosceptics have no idea about. The Americans were always there behind the scenes trying to help Monnet, trying to persuade the French and the Germans to reach agreement and also to persuade the British to join in. They failed on that last thing. But the Americans always saw the EU as a good way of preventing them being drawn into another European war and a good way of creating a bulwark against communism which it was. |
| "Right through to more recent times, when George Bush [Snr] supported German unification and the Maastricht treaty while Margaret Thatcher did not – the Americans have nearly always been pushers of European integration for most of the past 60 years." | "Right through to more recent times, when George Bush [Snr] supported German unification and the Maastricht treaty while Margaret Thatcher did not – the Americans have nearly always been pushers of European integration for most of the past 60 years." |
| The godparent has left the scene as the US turns its attention to the Pacific. The EU is now on its own, guaranteeing rows and strife. But these will take place "around conference tables, not through the battles on the fields of Flanders or the frozen lakes of western Russia", as David Cameron said on Thursday as he launched Britain's first world war centenary plans. | The godparent has left the scene as the US turns its attention to the Pacific. The EU is now on its own, guaranteeing rows and strife. But these will take place "around conference tables, not through the battles on the fields of Flanders or the frozen lakes of western Russia", as David Cameron said on Thursday as he launched Britain's first world war centenary plans. |
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