'Latino Texas: 'San Antonio is a peek at the America of tomorrow'' diff viewer (3/4)

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Latino Texas: 'San Antonio is a peek at the America of tomorrow'	Latino Texas: 'San Antonio is a peek at the America of tomorrow'
2013-05-10 02:35:45 UTC	2013-05-22 00:02:21 UTC (12 days later)
Juliàn Castro, the mayor of San Antonio who burst on to the national political stage when he made the keynote address at the Democratic national convention in September, is selling his vision of the future to the city's top moneymakers. He pictures a Manhattan-like metropolitan core, with walkable streets and arts and culture worthy of America's seventh-largest city.	Juliàn Castro, the mayor of San Antonio who burst on to the national political stage when he made the keynote address at the Democratic national convention in September, is selling his vision of the future to the city's top moneymakers. He pictures a Manhattan-like metropolitan core, with walkable streets and arts and culture worthy of America's seventh-largest city.
Castro calls this vision "San Antonio 2020". In a city where two-thirds of the 1.3 million residents are of Latino heritage, it is tempting to call it "veinte veinte".	Castro calls this vision "San Antonio 2020". In a city where two-thirds of the 1.3 million residents are of Latino heritage, it is tempting to call it "veinte veinte".
In fact, Castro hardly speaks any Spanish. But that is part of what makes his vision so powerful. In the fastest-growing major city in the country, a well-heeled and mostly white audience at the Witte Museum listens to the new-generation Hispanic leader, who is aged only 38, share his plans. In doing so, he is advancing a slow-motion political takeover of Texas.	In fact, Castro hardly speaks any Spanish. But that is part of what makes his vision so powerful. In the fastest-growing major city in the country, a well-heeled and mostly white audience at the Witte Museum listens to the new-generation Hispanic leader, who is aged only 38, share his plans. In doing so, he is advancing a slow-motion political takeover of Texas.
"San Antonio is a peek at the Texas of tomorrow and the America of tomorrow," Castro says. "We've called it the new face of the American dream."	"San Antonio is a peek at the Texas of tomorrow and the America of tomorrow," Castro says. "We've called it the new face of the American dream."
2020 is, by coincidence, the projected date by which, if current trends continue, the state will come full circle. Texas, which was once part of Mexico, will return to being majority Hispanic.	2020 is, by coincidence, the projected date by which, if current trends continue, the state will come full circle. Texas, which was once part of Mexico, will return to being majority Hispanic.
Texas is already a state with a majority-minority population – Hispanics account for about 38% of the population but other ethnic groups push the non-white proportion to 52%. This trend has enormous potential consequences for both main political parties.	Texas is already a state with a majority-minority population – Hispanics account for about 38% of the population but other ethnic groups push the non-white proportion to 52%. This trend has enormous potential consequences for both main political parties.
For Republicans, such demographic change spells a possible end to their long reign in the state. The Democrats have failed to seize their opportunity – on average, Hispanics vote 3-1 for Democrats – but the state GOP has nonetheless been swerving rightward, straight into a demographic brick wall.	For Republicans, such demographic change spells a possible end to their long reign in the state. The Democrats have failed to seize their opportunity – on average, Hispanics vote 3-1 for Democrats – but the state GOP has nonetheless been swerving rightward, straight into a demographic brick wall.
Despite the fact that Texas has not voted for a Democratic presidential candidate since Jimmy Carter in 1976, the Republicans may see their political Alamo in San Antonio.	Despite the fact that Texas has not voted for a Democratic presidential candidate since Jimmy Carter in 1976, the Republicans may see their political Alamo in San Antonio.
"You get California, Texas and New York," says Choco Meza, a former Bexar County Democratic Chair, tracing the states' geographical positions in the air, "and that little 'v' is for 'victory'."	"You get California, Texas and New York," says Choco Meza, a former Bexar County Democratic Chair, tracing the states' geographical positions in the air, "and that little 'v' is for 'victory'."
However, Texas Democrats have yet to match action to such enthusiasm when it comes to bringing out the Hispanic vote. Unlike in California or New Mexico, Hispanics in Texas have been fighting well below their political weight. Hispanic turnout rates are poor – almost half that of white or black voters in the state. In 2008 only 38% of eligible Hispanics cast ballots in the presidential election.	However, Texas Democrats have yet to match action to such enthusiasm when it comes to bringing out the Hispanic vote. Unlike in California or New Mexico, Hispanics in Texas have been fighting well below their political weight. Hispanic turnout rates are poor – almost half that of white or black voters in the state. In 2008 only 38% of eligible Hispanics cast ballots in the presidential election.
San Antonio incubated such landmark political Hispanic groups as the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Southwestern Voter Registration Education Project. These and other movements began in the city's Westside, the heart of its Hispanic community. There lie both the symptoms and the solutions to the political woes of Texas' Hispanics.	San Antonio incubated such landmark political Hispanic groups as the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Southwestern Voter Registration Education Project. These and other movements began in the city's Westside, the heart of its Hispanic community. There lie both the symptoms and the solutions to the political woes of Texas' Hispanics.
This barrio region begins a few blocks away from San Antonio's bustling downtown, where tourists flock to The Alamo and the Riverwalk. In the Westside, cheap, wood-framed houses are painted salmon pink or lime green; many have clothes drying on a line. Ernest Bromley, who walked Westside's tree-lined avenues in the 1970s as a political canvasser, sees the community's symbolic divide in the appearance of such houses.	This barrio region begins a few blocks away from San Antonio's bustling downtown, where tourists flock to The Alamo and the Riverwalk. In the Westside, cheap, wood-framed houses are painted salmon pink or lime green; many have clothes drying on a line. Ernest Bromley, who walked Westside's tree-lined avenues in the 1970s as a political canvasser, sees the community's symbolic divide in the appearance of such houses.
"There are homes that take care of themselves; a lot of home pride and flowers that are well-kept," Bromley says, "and others that are just trashed. You can be poor and have a nice-looking place."	"There are homes that take care of themselves; a lot of home pride and flowers that are well-kept," Bromley says, "and others that are just trashed. You can be poor and have a nice-looking place."
Bromley, a Democrat, and his Republican business partner, Lionel Sosa, are legends in the Hispanic community, having created the first advertising firm that reached an Hispanic audience. Sosa is a master of the emotional political ad who has advised dozens of Republican campaigns – including George W Bush's 2004 run that won 49% of the Texas Hispanic vote. The tagline for that campaign was "Nos conocemos" – "we know each other".	Bromley, a Democrat, and his Republican business partner, Lionel Sosa, are legends in the Hispanic community, having created the first advertising firm that reached an Hispanic audience. Sosa is a master of the emotional political ad who has advised dozens of Republican campaigns – including George W Bush's 2004 run that won 49% of the Texas Hispanic vote. The tagline for that campaign was "Nos conocemos" – "we know each other".
For years, the Hispanic population in Westside was not politically engaged. As late as the 1960s, much of the area had dirt roads and a patchwork electrical service. Yearly storms created pop-up rivers that destroyed property and stranded residents. Disenchantment with the system kept turnout low, allowing such problems to fester.	For years, the Hispanic population in Westside was not politically engaged. As late as the 1960s, much of the area had dirt roads and a patchwork electrical service. Yearly storms created pop-up rivers that destroyed property and stranded residents. Disenchantment with the system kept turnout low, allowing such problems to fester.
There has been some progress. From 1996 to 2008, Hispanic turnout increased by nearly 10 points and reached an all-time high for Hispanics. But the 38% turnout in the 2008 election was still well below the 57% turnout among California's Hispanic population.	There has been some progress. From 1996 to 2008, Hispanic turnout increased by nearly 10 points and reached an all-time high for Hispanics. But the 38% turnout in the 2008 election was still well below the 57% turnout among California's Hispanic population.
Castro, however, hints at something that could begin to galvanize Hispanic voters in San Antonio and beyond. "It may come in the form of some great candidate or candidates that decide they're going to run [for governor]," he says. "And that's what lights up the Hispanic community."	Castro, however, hints at something that could begin to galvanize Hispanic voters in San Antonio and beyond. "It may come in the form of some great candidate or candidates that decide they're going to run [for governor]," he says. "And that's what lights up the Hispanic community."
Castro swears he is not speaking of himself, though his political star is undoubtedly rising. Instead, he uses the example of his idol, Henry Cisneros. San Antonio's Hispanic vote doubled in 1981 when the striking, 6ft 3in, third-generation Mexican-American became its mayor.	Castro swears he is not speaking of himself, though his political star is undoubtedly rising. Instead, he uses the example of his idol, Henry Cisneros. San Antonio's Hispanic vote doubled in 1981 when the striking, 6ft 3in, third-generation Mexican-American became its mayor.
Cisneros, however, has a cautionary tale to tell. The nation's first Hispanic mayor of a major city had a rapid ascent to the national stage as part of Bill Clinton's administration, before he became embroiled in a scandal involving payoffs to a former mistress that ended his political career.	Cisneros, however, has a cautionary tale to tell. The nation's first Hispanic mayor of a major city had a rapid ascent to the national stage as part of Bill Clinton's administration, before he became embroiled in a scandal involving payoffs to a former mistress that ended his political career.
Now a housing-policy consultant, Cisneros still lives on the Westside – in a community that he tried to modernize which is, in many ways, still stuck in the past. In the Westside, stagnation can take many forms.	Now a housing-policy consultant, Cisneros still lives on the Westside – in a community that he tried to modernize which is, in many ways, still stuck in the past. In the Westside, stagnation can take many forms.
Crystal Cox, 26, returned home after earning her bachelor's degree, and found that little had changed. "My best friend from elementary school lives across the street and she has a couple of kids," she says. "It's weird to come back home and see people that I knew and they ended up just having kids and stopped with their education."	Crystal Cox, 26, returned home after earning her bachelor's degree, and found that little had changed. "My best friend from elementary school lives across the street and she has a couple of kids," she says. "It's weird to come back home and see people that I knew and they ended up just having kids and stopped with their education."
Her friend follows an all too familiar and growing trend among Hispanics in Texas: it is thought that by 2040, more than half will not graduate high school.	Her friend follows an all too familiar and growing trend among Hispanics in Texas: it is thought that by 2040, more than half will not graduate high school.
In 2011, the Republican legislature in Texas cut $4bn from public schools. Party leaders argued that the state's budget had been in crisis, that cuts needed to be made, and that education spending was the largest piece of the pie.	In 2011, the Republican legislature in Texas cut $4bn from public schools. Party leaders argued that the state's budget had been in crisis, that cuts needed to be made, and that education spending was the largest piece of the pie.
In a school system that is almost 50% Hispanic, this was another harsh blow to the poorer districts – as well as to any Republican hopes of winning Hispanic converts.	In a school system that is almost 50% Hispanic, this was another harsh blow to the poorer districts – as well as to any Republican hopes of winning Hispanic converts.
Even in a city as diverse as San Antonio, divides in class and race run deep. Henry Flores, dean of the Graduate School at St Mary's University and a consultant on many Democratic races, doesn't need to search too far to find remnants of a "members only" mindset.	Even in a city as diverse as San Antonio, divides in class and race run deep. Henry Flores, dean of the Graduate School at St Mary's University and a consultant on many Democratic races, doesn't need to search too far to find remnants of a "members only" mindset.
"Take a look at the girls in that back party," he says, pointing to a stream of young women, dressed in their Texas best, heading to a restaurant's private room. "You're not going to find any Latinas there."	"Take a look at the girls in that back party," he says, pointing to a stream of young women, dressed in their Texas best, heading to a restaurant's private room. "You're not going to find any Latinas there."
The political culture in Texas has capitalized on such small moments of division. Last year, two incendiary pieces of legislation alienated many Hispanics – one a voter ID law and the other a new district layout.	The political culture in Texas has capitalized on such small moments of division. Last year, two incendiary pieces of legislation alienated many Hispanics – one a voter ID law and the other a new district layout.
Both have ended up in court. The voter ID law required Texans to show valid state ID at the polling place. The Obama administration challenged it as a violation of the Voting Rights Act, claiming that it targeted poor Hispanics without driver's licenses.	Both have ended up in court. The voter ID law required Texans to show valid state ID at the polling place. The Obama administration challenged it as a violation of the Voting Rights Act, claiming that it targeted poor Hispanics without driver's licenses.
The new district lines contained no new electoral regions that were majority Hispanic. This too went through the legal system, to arrive at a compromise of two new Hispanic and two new Anglo districts. This was a disappointment to Hispanics, considering that they have driven 65% of the state's population growth in the past decade.	The new district lines contained no new electoral regions that were majority Hispanic. This too went through the legal system, to arrive at a compromise of two new Hispanic and two new Anglo districts. This was a disappointment to Hispanics, considering that they have driven 65% of the state's population growth in the past decade.
Texas was different when the Republican businessman Sosa helped George W Bush win nearly half the Hispanic vote in 2004, with a message of strong family values and a welcoming atmosphere. Now, he says he can hardly recognize the party that plays on fear of Hispanic immigration and calls, in Mitt Romney's case during the Republican primaries, for "self-deportation".	Texas was different when the Republican businessman Sosa helped George W Bush win nearly half the Hispanic vote in 2004, with a message of strong family values and a welcoming atmosphere. Now, he says he can hardly recognize the party that plays on fear of Hispanic immigration and calls, in Mitt Romney's case during the Republican primaries, for "self-deportation".
"If you look at Reagan's position on immigration and amnesty, he did it," Sosa says. "It was somewhat controversial, but no big deal."	"If you look at Reagan's position on immigration and amnesty, he did it," Sosa says. "It was somewhat controversial, but no big deal."
But as much reason as Democrat-inclined Hispanics have to vote, there has not been a momentous shift towards the ballot box. Voter-registration groups estimate that it would take a huge – and expensive – outreach effort to register the million Hispanics who could help to turn Texas blue.	But as much reason as Democrat-inclined Hispanics have to vote, there has not been a momentous shift towards the ballot box. Voter-registration groups estimate that it would take a huge – and expensive – outreach effort to register the million Hispanics who could help to turn Texas blue.
Big-party money goes toward swing-state campaigns, rather than a more distant investment like Texas – even one that could have such a high return.	Big-party money goes toward swing-state campaigns, rather than a more distant investment like Texas – even one that could have such a high return.
"Democrat voters, even in Texas, send all their money to the swing states," says Lydia Camarillo of the Southwestern Voter Registration Education Project. "Trying to build up the Hispanic voter base here just isn't the way they think. If it was and they did Texas would be purple in five years."	"Democrat voters, even in Texas, send all their money to the swing states," says Lydia Camarillo of the Southwestern Voter Registration Education Project. "Trying to build up the Hispanic voter base here just isn't the way they think. If it was and they did Texas would be purple in five years."
Even the most optimistic Texas Democrats have a hard time looking at the years of unfulfilled expectations without showing their frustration. The numbers are there, the future is evident, and yet the moment remains just out of reach.	Even the most optimistic Texas Democrats have a hard time looking at the years of unfulfilled expectations without showing their frustration. The numbers are there, the future is evident, and yet the moment remains just out of reach.
"I've been waiting for the Hispanic sleeping giant to wake up in the 70s, the 80s, the 90s and now [the] 2000s and I've seen it in Time magazine every decade," Flores said.	"I've been waiting for the Hispanic sleeping giant to wake up in the 70s, the 80s, the 90s and now [the] 2000s and I've seen it in Time magazine every decade," Flores said.
When will the giant wake?	When will the giant wake?
"The answer to that question is: 'I don't know.'"	"The answer to that question is: 'I don't know.'"