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White British people aren’t under threat from multicultural Britain – they are part of it White British people aren’t under threat from multicultural Britain – they are part of it
(33 minutes later)
Reform would have you believe that multiculturalism is an act of exclusion. In fact, the opposite is the caseReform would have you believe that multiculturalism is an act of exclusion. In fact, the opposite is the case
As the dust settled on last summer’s English riots, I found myself taking part in a radio discussion on the question: has multiculturalism failed? It was a depressing response to events that were themselves deeply depressing: an all-too-vivid reminder of how acute Britain’s problems with racism and Islamophobia continue to be. Yet the radio discussion also showed how multiculturalism acts as a scapegoat when it comes to concerns about issues such as immigration and community cohesion. For decades now, multiculturalism has functioned as Britain’s bogeyman.As the dust settled on last summer’s English riots, I found myself taking part in a radio discussion on the question: has multiculturalism failed? It was a depressing response to events that were themselves deeply depressing: an all-too-vivid reminder of how acute Britain’s problems with racism and Islamophobia continue to be. Yet the radio discussion also showed how multiculturalism acts as a scapegoat when it comes to concerns about issues such as immigration and community cohesion. For decades now, multiculturalism has functioned as Britain’s bogeyman.
There was opposition to the term almost as soon as it began to gain traction in the late 1970s and 80s. Initially, multiculturalism was associated with policies that some local councils introduced to address inequalities in education. What this meant in practice was things such as an expanded religious education curriculum, the provision of halal meat options for Muslim schoolchildren, and the distribution of information about a child’s schooling in their parents’ first language.There was opposition to the term almost as soon as it began to gain traction in the late 1970s and 80s. Initially, multiculturalism was associated with policies that some local councils introduced to address inequalities in education. What this meant in practice was things such as an expanded religious education curriculum, the provision of halal meat options for Muslim schoolchildren, and the distribution of information about a child’s schooling in their parents’ first language.
The policies attracted criticism from both the left and the right. Some on the left worried that the focus on ethnicity and religion was a tool to blunt the radicalism of Black political activism. Conservative commentators, meanwhile, thought that too many concessions were being made to ethnic minority groups, which were supposedly undermining British culture and values.The policies attracted criticism from both the left and the right. Some on the left worried that the focus on ethnicity and religion was a tool to blunt the radicalism of Black political activism. Conservative commentators, meanwhile, thought that too many concessions were being made to ethnic minority groups, which were supposedly undermining British culture and values.
These critiques were often laced with offensive stereotypes. Multiculturalism, one commentator argued, meant enshrining “the West Indian’s right to create an ear-splitting cacophony for most of the night”. For the former Labour MP turned chatshow host Robert Kilroy-Silk, meanwhile, it was a process by which “British traditions, culture and laws have had to be amended to meet the needs of those with values and mores fashioned in less civilised times and places”.These critiques were often laced with offensive stereotypes. Multiculturalism, one commentator argued, meant enshrining “the West Indian’s right to create an ear-splitting cacophony for most of the night”. For the former Labour MP turned chatshow host Robert Kilroy-Silk, meanwhile, it was a process by which “British traditions, culture and laws have had to be amended to meet the needs of those with values and mores fashioned in less civilised times and places”.
Such was the controversy around multiculturalism by the year 2000 that it was almost de rigueur for senior politicians to line up to denounce its failure. High-profile variations on this argument have been made by David Blunkett, David Cameron, Nigel Farage and Suella Braverman. The newly installed leader of the Conservative party, Kemi Badenoch, looks set to embark on a similar course.Such was the controversy around multiculturalism by the year 2000 that it was almost de rigueur for senior politicians to line up to denounce its failure. High-profile variations on this argument have been made by David Blunkett, David Cameron, Nigel Farage and Suella Braverman. The newly installed leader of the Conservative party, Kemi Badenoch, looks set to embark on a similar course.
The political benefit of talking tough on multiculturalism is that the term has come to mean different things to different people. When politicians confidently pronounce multiculturalism’s failure, they know many voters will hear it variously as a criticism of immigration levels, of Islamic “extremism”, or of the very nature of Britain’s emergence as a multicultural society.The political benefit of talking tough on multiculturalism is that the term has come to mean different things to different people. When politicians confidently pronounce multiculturalism’s failure, they know many voters will hear it variously as a criticism of immigration levels, of Islamic “extremism”, or of the very nature of Britain’s emergence as a multicultural society.
The net result of this is that multiculturalism has come to occupy a central position in culture wars that, fuelled by the shouty excesses of social media, in many ways have come to define our divided times. Thanks in part to the irresponsible role played by mainstream politicians seeking to challenge the likes of Ukip and Reform, an impression has been allowed to take root that white British people are not only excluded from the making of multicultural Britain, but are also under threat from it.The net result of this is that multiculturalism has come to occupy a central position in culture wars that, fuelled by the shouty excesses of social media, in many ways have come to define our divided times. Thanks in part to the irresponsible role played by mainstream politicians seeking to challenge the likes of Ukip and Reform, an impression has been allowed to take root that white British people are not only excluded from the making of multicultural Britain, but are also under threat from it.
The real-life dangers of this narrative were writ large on the streets of England during the riots last summer. To move beyond the impasse, it is vital that we finally reckon with the fact we are already a deeply multicultural society.The real-life dangers of this narrative were writ large on the streets of England during the riots last summer. To move beyond the impasse, it is vital that we finally reckon with the fact we are already a deeply multicultural society.
One way of arriving at this reckoning is to think about our own family histories, and to recognise how common it is becoming for immigration to be a central feature of our family trees. In 2015, for example, 28% of all babies born in England and Wales had a foreign-born mother. By 2021, more than a third of the population of Britain had parents or grandparents born outside the UK.One way of arriving at this reckoning is to think about our own family histories, and to recognise how common it is becoming for immigration to be a central feature of our family trees. In 2015, for example, 28% of all babies born in England and Wales had a foreign-born mother. By 2021, more than a third of the population of Britain had parents or grandparents born outside the UK.
In my own case, my family ties are to Ireland and Germany. My great-grandparents migrated to Britain from rural Ireland in the early 20th century. My grandmother, meanwhile, moved to Britain from Germany after the first world war when her father found a job at a plastics company.In my own case, my family ties are to Ireland and Germany. My great-grandparents migrated to Britain from rural Ireland in the early 20th century. My grandmother, meanwhile, moved to Britain from Germany after the first world war when her father found a job at a plastics company.
Each act of migration brings with it the establishment of new diasporic traditions: religious practices, for example, and types of cuisine, music, sport or other leisure activities. Many get passed down through the generations, and inevitably change over time. Some might even get lost altogether, like my mother’s attempt to have us celebrate a German Christmas by opening our presents on Christmas Eve.Each act of migration brings with it the establishment of new diasporic traditions: religious practices, for example, and types of cuisine, music, sport or other leisure activities. Many get passed down through the generations, and inevitably change over time. Some might even get lost altogether, like my mother’s attempt to have us celebrate a German Christmas by opening our presents on Christmas Eve.
Thinking about the experiences that our relatives had in moving to Britain can help cast the experiences of newer immigrants in a different light. When my German grandmother arrived in Britain, for example, she encountered a society where anti-German sentiment was rife. Recently, I discovered an aborted attempt by my grandma to write about these experiences. “No one knows better than I the grinding ache of homesickness”, she wrote, “of alienation from a society in which one has at all costs to make one’s way in order to survive.”Thinking about the experiences that our relatives had in moving to Britain can help cast the experiences of newer immigrants in a different light. When my German grandmother arrived in Britain, for example, she encountered a society where anti-German sentiment was rife. Recently, I discovered an aborted attempt by my grandma to write about these experiences. “No one knows better than I the grinding ache of homesickness”, she wrote, “of alienation from a society in which one has at all costs to make one’s way in order to survive.”
It is likely that some of the most vocal critics of multiculturalism today will have similar family stories, if only they cared to dig deep enough. The far-right activist Tommy Robinson, for example, who helped whip up tensions during the summer riots, is reported to have an Irish mother who would have migrated at a time of significant hostility towards the Irish in Britain.It is likely that some of the most vocal critics of multiculturalism today will have similar family stories, if only they cared to dig deep enough. The far-right activist Tommy Robinson, for example, who helped whip up tensions during the summer riots, is reported to have an Irish mother who would have migrated at a time of significant hostility towards the Irish in Britain.
“When I ask somebody where they’re from”, the Jamaican cultural theorist Stuart Hall once said, “I expect nowadays to be told an extremely long story.” Even if immigration is not a part of your own immediate family history, the chances are – with ethnic diversity accelerating and spreading – it will soon be part of your children or grandchildren’s story, by virtue of the friends they make, or the people they fall in love with.“When I ask somebody where they’re from”, the Jamaican cultural theorist Stuart Hall once said, “I expect nowadays to be told an extremely long story.” Even if immigration is not a part of your own immediate family history, the chances are – with ethnic diversity accelerating and spreading – it will soon be part of your children or grandchildren’s story, by virtue of the friends they make, or the people they fall in love with.
This is the reality of multiculturalism as it actually exists across Britain today. We have allowed toxic bigotry to dominate our public debate over the issue for far too long. It’s time for us to turn the page.This is the reality of multiculturalism as it actually exists across Britain today. We have allowed toxic bigotry to dominate our public debate over the issue for far too long. It’s time for us to turn the page.
Kieran Connell is a writer and historian at Queen’s University BelfastKieran Connell is a writer and historian at Queen’s University Belfast
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Kieran Connell is a writer and historian at Queen’s University BelfastKieran Connell is a writer and historian at Queen’s University Belfast
Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.