'Suburban Women, No Longer ‘Soccer Moms,’ Hold Key to Midterms' diff viewer (1/2)

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Suburban Women, No Longer ‘Soccer Moms,’ Hold Key to Midterms	Suburban Women, No Longer ‘Soccer Moms,’ Hold Key to Midterms
2022-11-04 22:29:33 UTC	2022-11-05 05:06:13 UTC (about 7 hours later)
The “soccer mom” was born a cliché.	The “soccer mom” was born a cliché.
Americans were introduced to her during the 1996 presidential race, when she was heralded by campaign consultants and the media as the new center of the American electorate — a white, married, minivan-steering, cleats-toting, home-owning swing voter, exhausted by culture wars and seeking optimistic, common-sense politics.	Americans were introduced to her during the 1996 presidential race, when she was heralded by campaign consultants and the media as the new center of the American electorate — a white, married, minivan-steering, cleats-toting, home-owning swing voter, exhausted by culture wars and seeking optimistic, common-sense politics.
That year, so-called soccer moms broke for the Democratic incumbent, President Bill Clinton, over his Republican challenger, Bob Dole, a senator from Kansas. Mr. Clinton appealed to suburban women by signing a tough crime bill and promising to put reading tutors in schools.	That year, so-called soccer moms broke for the Democratic incumbent, President Bill Clinton, over his Republican challenger, Bob Dole, a senator from Kansas. Mr. Clinton appealed to suburban women by signing a tough crime bill and promising to put reading tutors in schools.
A quarter century later, female suburban voters remain a key swing constituency and, amid the coronavirus pandemic, crime and education are again crucial concerns. But recent polls have shown that unlike in 1996, independent female voters are tilting toward Republicans.	A quarter century later, female suburban voters remain a key swing constituency and, amid the coronavirus pandemic, crime and education are again crucial concerns. But recent polls have shown that unlike in 1996, independent female voters are tilting toward Republicans.
Who are these influential voters? Does the “soccer mom” still exist? Did she ever?	Who are these influential voters? Does the “soccer mom” still exist? Did she ever?
Statistically, “soccer moms” were hardly a majority, even in the 1990s. Back then, nearly half of women living in the suburbs were unmarried, and traditional households — occupied by a married couple raising children — made up less than a third of the suburban landscape, according to a New York Times analysis of census data.	Statistically, “soccer moms” were hardly a majority, even in the 1990s. Back then, nearly half of women living in the suburbs were unmarried, and traditional households — occupied by a married couple raising children — made up less than a third of the suburban landscape, according to a New York Times analysis of census data.
Today, even fewer suburban women are married and traditional households make up even less of a share of the typical suburban block. The white share of the suburban population has plummeted to 61 percent, from 84 percent in 1990.	Today, even fewer suburban women are married and traditional households make up even less of a share of the typical suburban block. The white share of the suburban population has plummeted to 61 percent, from 84 percent in 1990.
Candidates are testing competing strategies to appeal to this diverse group. In the Pennsylvania Senate race, the Democratic candidate, John Fetterman, is stressing abortion rights, while his Republican opponent, Mehmet Oz, is accusing Mr. Fetterman of supporting crime policies that would create “an environment of lawlessness.” Crime is currently a major worry, even in relatively safe suburbs.	Candidates are testing competing strategies to appeal to this diverse group. In the Pennsylvania Senate race, the Democratic candidate, John Fetterman, is stressing abortion rights, while his Republican opponent, Mehmet Oz, is accusing Mr. Fetterman of supporting crime policies that would create “an environment of lawlessness.” Crime is currently a major worry, even in relatively safe suburbs.
Inflation is also a salient issue pushing voters toward Republicans, polls suggest. In Arizona, Senator Mark Kelly, a Democrat, is promoting legislation to lower gas prices; his opponent, Blake Masters, has said that costs need to fall so that families can get by on a single income — an appeal to traditional values.	Inflation is also a salient issue pushing voters toward Republicans, polls suggest. In Arizona, Senator Mark Kelly, a Democrat, is promoting legislation to lower gas prices; his opponent, Blake Masters, has said that costs need to fall so that families can get by on a single income — an appeal to traditional values.
In 2020, former President Donald J. Trump won men in the suburbs, while President Biden prevailed among women, according to exit polls conducted by Edison Research. But if Republicans can cut into Democrats’ support with suburban female voters in this month’s midterm elections, they will retake Congress, even if they don’t win a majority of suburban women.	In 2020, former President Donald J. Trump won men in the suburbs, while President Biden prevailed among women, according to exit polls conducted by Edison Research. But if Republicans can cut into Democrats’ support with suburban female voters in this month’s midterm elections, they will retake Congress, even if they don’t win a majority of suburban women.
In interviews with more than a dozen women in swing regions ahead of Election Day, many said they thought of themselves as apolitical. But they could not avoid the sense that politics were intruding on their lives. Notably, the women, who live in a variety of suburban settings, shared a sense of pessimism about the direction of the country. They were strained by the cost of housing and groceries, they said, and fearful of crime. Many felt freedom itself was under threat, whether the freedom they sought was the right to abortion or the right to shield their children from what they considered objectionable ideas on gender and race.	In interviews with more than a dozen women in swing regions ahead of Election Day, many said they thought of themselves as apolitical. But they could not avoid the sense that politics were intruding on their lives. Notably, the women, who live in a variety of suburban settings, shared a sense of pessimism about the direction of the country. They were strained by the cost of housing and groceries, they said, and fearful of crime. Many felt freedom itself was under threat, whether the freedom they sought was the right to abortion or the right to shield their children from what they considered objectionable ideas on gender and race.
Litzy Hernandez Cota, a 21-year old who works in local government on water-conservation programs, plans to vote Democratic in this year’s elections. She is turned off by anti-immigrant rhetoric from local Republicans, she said, who are courting voters with talk of an “invasion” of migrants along the southern border. But she has more immediate worries, and said she hoped that leaders in Phoenix and Washington could put aside divisive politics and focus on policies that would help her afford to buy a house in the suburb she wants to call home.	Litzy Hernandez Cota, a 21-year old who works in local government on water-conservation programs, plans to vote Democratic in this year’s elections. She is turned off by anti-immigrant rhetoric from local Republicans, she said, who are courting voters with talk of an “invasion” of migrants along the southern border. But she has more immediate worries, and said she hoped that leaders in Phoenix and Washington could put aside divisive politics and focus on policies that would help her afford to buy a house in the suburb she wants to call home.
Olivia Kelly is facing similar set of pressures. She lives in Brown Deer, Wis., a suburb just outside Milwaukee, where some 12,000 people live in modest ranch houses and condo complexes with swimming pools.	Olivia Kelly is facing similar set of pressures. She lives in Brown Deer, Wis., a suburb just outside Milwaukee, where some 12,000 people live in modest ranch houses and condo complexes with swimming pools.
When Ms. Kelly was a child, there were not many Black children at her school, she recalled. Since then, Brown Deer has attracted more Black families, after a program began allowing Milwaukee residents to attend its public schools.	When Ms. Kelly was a child, there were not many Black children at her school, she recalled. Since then, Brown Deer has attracted more Black families, after a program began allowing Milwaukee residents to attend its public schools.
The Kelly family recently held a rummage sale in their front yard, and a white family walked over to introduce themselves.	The Kelly family recently held a rummage sale in their front yard, and a white family walked over to introduce themselves.
“They said, ‘We just wanted to meet you guys,’” Ms. Kelly said. “It was an amazing feeling.”	“They said, ‘We just wanted to meet you guys,’” Ms. Kelly said. “It was an amazing feeling.”
But for Ms. Kelly, homeownership in Brown Deer is still out of reach.	But for Ms. Kelly, homeownership in Brown Deer is still out of reach.
She is a graduate student, studying online for her master’s in communications. She commutes to two jobs — as an assistant at a law firm and a bartender at a movie theater — and makes extra money as a licensed notary public. She is living with her mother and brother in the house where she grew up.	She is a graduate student, studying online for her master’s in communications. She commutes to two jobs — as an assistant at a law firm and a bartender at a movie theater — and makes extra money as a licensed notary public. She is living with her mother and brother in the house where she grew up.
When she eyes the prices of homes for sale in Brown Deer — many approaching $300,000 for one-story midcentury homes — she knows she has to wait.	When she eyes the prices of homes for sale in Brown Deer — many approaching $300,000 for one-story midcentury homes — she knows she has to wait.
“For people my age, being able to buy a home is a dream,” Ms. Kelly said. “But it’s not very attainable. Nothing is affordable for us.”	“For people my age, being able to buy a home is a dream,” Ms. Kelly said. “But it’s not very attainable. Nothing is affordable for us.”
This year, she plans to vote for Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, the Democratic candidate for Senate. But she believes Democrats should work more aggressively to reduce crime and support women’s rights, she said.	This year, she plans to vote for Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, the Democratic candidate for Senate. But she believes Democrats should work more aggressively to reduce crime and support women’s rights, she said.
The suburban mothers of 2022 are not only far more racially diverse than the “soccer moms” of 1996, but they have just lived through a cataclysm: school and child care shut downs during the pandemic and a simultaneous social upheaval around how race and gender should be taught.	The suburban mothers of 2022 are not only far more racially diverse than the “soccer moms” of 1996, but they have just lived through a cataclysm: school and child care shut downs during the pandemic and a simultaneous social upheaval around how race and gender should be taught.
This is especially true in the suburbs of Philadelphia, where a politically divided population experienced some of the longest school closures in the nation during the pandemic, while communities argued forcefully about the public school curriculum.	This is especially true in the suburbs of Philadelphia, where a politically divided population experienced some of the longest school closures in the nation during the pandemic, while communities argued forcefully about the public school curriculum.
Megan Brock is a 39-year old mother of two elementary-aged children in Churchville, Penn. Ms. Brock has lived in Bucks County all her life and loves the area’s scenic farmland, parks and proximity to central Philadelphia.	Megan Brock is a 39-year old mother of two elementary-aged children in Churchville, Penn. Ms. Brock has lived in Bucks County all her life and loves the area’s scenic farmland, parks and proximity to central Philadelphia.
But she is now considering moving to the South, she said, questioning if the Philadelphia region’s values match her own. When her local school district announced it would not offer full-time, in-person learning in the fall of 2020, she began speaking out online and at rallies against remote learning, even though her own children were in private schools that reopened.	But she is now considering moving to the South, she said, questioning if the Philadelphia region’s values match her own. When her local school district announced it would not offer full-time, in-person learning in the fall of 2020, she began speaking out online and at rallies against remote learning, even though her own children were in private schools that reopened.
“I thought what was happening was so egregious,” she said. “The disruptions caused to families were incalculable.”	“I thought what was happening was so egregious,” she said. “The disruptions caused to families were incalculable.”
While she has long considered herself conservative, she had never before been active in politics, she said. But she became a committed Republican, fighting virus restrictions such as mask mandates for children and limits on indoor gatherings. Democratic public health policies devastated local small businesses, she said, including her own work as a wedding photographer.	While she has long considered herself conservative, she had never before been active in politics, she said. But she became a committed Republican, fighting virus restrictions such as mask mandates for children and limits on indoor gatherings. Democratic public health policies devastated local small businesses, she said, including her own work as a wedding photographer.
Ms. Brock has since shifted her focus to crime and gender politics in schools. She fears that the uptick in gun violence affecting Philadelphia will come to her pastoral suburb. She is also deeply worried about schools supporting gender transitions and cutting parents out of decisions about their children’s care. She expressed opposition to an A.C.L.U. complaint against a local school district, which claimed that the district discriminated against L.G.B.T.Q. students by preventing them from changing their preferred pronouns without parental consent.	Ms. Brock has since shifted her focus to crime and gender politics in schools. She fears that the uptick in gun violence affecting Philadelphia will come to her pastoral suburb. She is also deeply worried about schools supporting gender transitions and cutting parents out of decisions about their children’s care. She expressed opposition to an A.C.L.U. complaint against a local school district, which claimed that the district discriminated against L.G.B.T.Q. students by preventing them from changing their preferred pronouns without parental consent.
“We are waiting to see what happens this election,” she said, “because I am concerned that Pennsylvania may turn into a place where I don’t feel safe for my kids to be in school.”	“We are waiting to see what happens this election,” she said, “because I am concerned that Pennsylvania may turn into a place where I don’t feel safe for my kids to be in school.”
Fifteen minutes south, Ji Denise Hellenbrand, 51, who immigrated to Pennsylvania from South Korea as a child, was also energized by events surrounding the pandemic. Five years ago, she and her husband moved from Bucks County to Lower Moreland Township in Montgomery County, seeking a more diverse community where their biracial children would not be singled out or taunted, she said.	Fifteen minutes south, Ji Denise Hellenbrand, 51, who immigrated to Pennsylvania from South Korea as a child, was also energized by events surrounding the pandemic. Five years ago, she and her husband moved from Bucks County to Lower Moreland Township in Montgomery County, seeking a more diverse community where their biracial children would not be singled out or taunted, she said.
Her son and daughter blossomed socially at their new schools. But when schools shut down during the pandemic, anti-Asian social media posts circulated widely among students. The messages threatened violence and said Asians did not belong in the United States, deeply affecting Ms. Hellenbrand’s two teenagers.	Her son and daughter blossomed socially at their new schools. But when schools shut down during the pandemic, anti-Asian social media posts circulated widely among students. The messages threatened violence and said Asians did not belong in the United States, deeply affecting Ms. Hellenbrand’s two teenagers.
Ms. Hellenbrand, who works full time selling insurance, spoke out at school board meetings. She has since become a founder of Make Us Visible PA, an organization that is lobbying for a state law requiring Asian American and Pacific Islander studies to be taught in public schools.	Ms. Hellenbrand, who works full time selling insurance, spoke out at school board meetings. She has since become a founder of Make Us Visible PA, an organization that is lobbying for a state law requiring Asian American and Pacific Islander studies to be taught in public schools.
Ms. Hellenbrand’s husband, who is white and identifies as a Republican, has become involved researching Asian American history, such as the stories of Asian soldiers who fought in the Revolutionary War.	Ms. Hellenbrand’s husband, who is white and identifies as a Republican, has become involved researching Asian American history, such as the stories of Asian soldiers who fought in the Revolutionary War.
While Ms. Hellenbrand will be supporting Democrats in this year’s midterm elections, she said she saw her fight on behalf of Asian American children as bipartisan, and she wants her younger family members to know they are part of U.S. history.	While Ms. Hellenbrand will be supporting Democrats in this year’s midterm elections, she said she saw her fight on behalf of Asian American children as bipartisan, and she wants her younger family members to know they are part of U.S. history.
“Your ancestors, people who looked like you, have contributed to the United States,” she said.	“Your ancestors, people who looked like you, have contributed to the United States,” she said.
Amanda Scisney, a 34-year-old data analyst for a bank who lives in the northern Atlanta suburb of Peachtree Corners, in Gwinnett County, became emotional speaking about her 5-year old daughter’s future. Ms. Scisney opposed the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, and lamented the need for shooter drills at her daughter’s school.	Amanda Scisney, a 34-year-old data analyst for a bank who lives in the northern Atlanta suburb of Peachtree Corners, in Gwinnett County, became emotional speaking about her 5-year old daughter’s future. Ms. Scisney opposed the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, and lamented the need for shooter drills at her daughter’s school.
Celeste Giordano, 66, is concerned about safety as well, but for very different reasons.	Celeste Giordano, 66, is concerned about safety as well, but for very different reasons.
Thirty years ago, when Ms. Giordano moved with her husband to Lawrenceville in Gwinnett County, the neighborhood of half-acre lots felt almost like the countryside, she said, and the region was a Republican stronghold.	Thirty years ago, when Ms. Giordano moved with her husband to Lawrenceville in Gwinnett County, the neighborhood of half-acre lots felt almost like the countryside, she said, and the region was a Republican stronghold.