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| Lapid Concedes in Israel, Paving Way for Netanyahu’s Return to Power | Lapid Concedes in Israel, Paving Way for Netanyahu’s Return to Power |
| (32 minutes later) | |
| JERUSALEM — He lost power in Israel a year ago under a cloud of corruption charges and political dysfunction. But on Thursday, Benjamin Netanyahu cemented his return to the prime minister’s post that he has held for longer than any other Israeli leader. | JERUSALEM — He lost power in Israel a year ago under a cloud of corruption charges and political dysfunction. But on Thursday, Benjamin Netanyahu cemented his return to the prime minister’s post that he has held for longer than any other Israeli leader. |
| With years of political instability and repeated elections seemingly resolved for now, the question ahead for Israel was how Mr. Netanyahu and his political partners on the far right would wield their new power. | With years of political instability and repeated elections seemingly resolved for now, the question ahead for Israel was how Mr. Netanyahu and his political partners on the far right would wield their new power. |
| In some senses, the concession of defeat on Thursday evening from the departing prime minister, Yair Lapid, marked a return to the familiar. Mr. Netanyahu has governed Israel for most of the past quarter century. While previously in office, he presided over a rightward drift within Israeli society — the same social shift that propelled him back to power. | In some senses, the concession of defeat on Thursday evening from the departing prime minister, Yair Lapid, marked a return to the familiar. Mr. Netanyahu has governed Israel for most of the past quarter century. While previously in office, he presided over a rightward drift within Israeli society — the same social shift that propelled him back to power. |
| In other ways, his return is a leap into the unknown. During his previous stints, Mr. Netanyahu helped entrench the occupation of the West Bank, empowered the far right and oversaw the collapse of peace negotiations with the Palestinians. But he almost always governed in coalition with at least one centrist party, setting a limit on how far right his governments could move. | |
| His decision this time to ally only with far right and ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties, unrestrained by any centrist forces, takes Israel into unmapped territory. It remains to be seen whether that frees Mr. Netanyahu to pursue purist policies he secretly always dreamed of, or if it forces him to act as a brake on his allies’ most extreme excesses. | His decision this time to ally only with far right and ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties, unrestrained by any centrist forces, takes Israel into unmapped territory. It remains to be seen whether that frees Mr. Netanyahu to pursue purist policies he secretly always dreamed of, or if it forces him to act as a brake on his allies’ most extreme excesses. |
| “Netanyahu has always used in elections a stark fusion of Jewish identity and ultranationalism,” said Anshel Pfeffer, a biographer of Mr. Netanyahu. “But allying himself with Jewish supremacists has created a new far-right entity he never envisaged and doesn’t know how to accommodate in his government.” | “Netanyahu has always used in elections a stark fusion of Jewish identity and ultranationalism,” said Anshel Pfeffer, a biographer of Mr. Netanyahu. “But allying himself with Jewish supremacists has created a new far-right entity he never envisaged and doesn’t know how to accommodate in his government.” |
| Currently standing trial on corruption charges, Mr. Netanyahu says that he will not use his authority to upend that process. But some of his coalition partners have said they will push to legalize one of the crimes he is accused of committing, or even to end the trial entirely. | Currently standing trial on corruption charges, Mr. Netanyahu says that he will not use his authority to upend that process. But some of his coalition partners have said they will push to legalize one of the crimes he is accused of committing, or even to end the trial entirely. |
| His election ensures that Israel, after five elections in less than four years, will have a cohesive government with a steady majority for the first time since 2019, allowing lawmakers to set a budget and fill key Civil Service positions without difficulty. | His election ensures that Israel, after five elections in less than four years, will have a cohesive government with a steady majority for the first time since 2019, allowing lawmakers to set a budget and fill key Civil Service positions without difficulty. |
| After the last votes were counted on Thursday night, Mr. Netanyahu’s alliance had won 64 seats, giving him a clear majority in the 120-seat Parliament. Mr. Lapid’s alliance won only 51 seats, amid a near wipeout for the Israeli left. Meretz, a leftist party that has long been a mainstay of the Israeli peace movement, failed to meet the threshold for winning any seats. | After the last votes were counted on Thursday night, Mr. Netanyahu’s alliance had won 64 seats, giving him a clear majority in the 120-seat Parliament. Mr. Lapid’s alliance won only 51 seats, amid a near wipeout for the Israeli left. Meretz, a leftist party that has long been a mainstay of the Israeli peace movement, failed to meet the threshold for winning any seats. |
| Mr. Netanyahu may not formally return to power until the second half of November. State protocols mean that the Israeli president, Isaac Herzog, has until Nov. 16 to invite Mr. Netanyahu to assemble a government, and Mr. Netanyahu’s own coalition negotiations might take even longer. | Mr. Netanyahu may not formally return to power until the second half of November. State protocols mean that the Israeli president, Isaac Herzog, has until Nov. 16 to invite Mr. Netanyahu to assemble a government, and Mr. Netanyahu’s own coalition negotiations might take even longer. |
| While the coalition led by Mr. Netanyahu would provide a stable government, it could nevertheless unsettle Israel’s constitutional framework and tear at its social fabric. | While the coalition led by Mr. Netanyahu would provide a stable government, it could nevertheless unsettle Israel’s constitutional framework and tear at its social fabric. |
| The far right’s strong showing was linked to fears among right-wing Jews about perceived threats to Israel’s Jewish identity and to their personal safety. A wave of interethnic riots in May 2021 unsettled their sense of security, a feeling that was compounded months later by the inclusion — for the first time in Israeli history — of an independent Arab party as a small part of a coalition government. | The far right’s strong showing was linked to fears among right-wing Jews about perceived threats to Israel’s Jewish identity and to their personal safety. A wave of interethnic riots in May 2021 unsettled their sense of security, a feeling that was compounded months later by the inclusion — for the first time in Israeli history — of an independent Arab party as a small part of a coalition government. |
| Those dual concerns drove some right-wing Israelis to more extreme parties in the most recent election. That has given a platform, mandate and potentially ministerial office to a far-right leader, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who seeks to deport “anyone who works against the State of Israel” and to give soldiers more freedom to shoot Palestinians. | Those dual concerns drove some right-wing Israelis to more extreme parties in the most recent election. That has given a platform, mandate and potentially ministerial office to a far-right leader, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who seeks to deport “anyone who works against the State of Israel” and to give soldiers more freedom to shoot Palestinians. |
| Israel’s centrists and leftists fear these calls mask far more frightening goals. Many in Israel’s Palestinian minority, which forms about a fifth of Israel’s population of 9 million, fear the right-wing stances are code for the expulsion of large numbers of Palestinians. | Israel’s centrists and leftists fear these calls mask far more frightening goals. Many in Israel’s Palestinian minority, which forms about a fifth of Israel’s population of 9 million, fear the right-wing stances are code for the expulsion of large numbers of Palestinians. |
| “These are difficult days,” said Aida Touma-Suleiman, a Palestinian lawmaker in the Israeli Parliament. “This isn’t the ordinary, classic right that we know. This is a change — in which a racist, violent right wing threatens to turn into fascism.” | “These are difficult days,” said Aida Touma-Suleiman, a Palestinian lawmaker in the Israeli Parliament. “This isn’t the ordinary, classic right that we know. This is a change — in which a racist, violent right wing threatens to turn into fascism.” |
| Mr. Netanyahu tried to calm fears about his return this week, promising in a speech on Wednesday morning that he would lead “a national government that will look after everyone.” | Mr. Netanyahu tried to calm fears about his return this week, promising in a speech on Wednesday morning that he would lead “a national government that will look after everyone.” |
| He also pledged to heal the divisions within Israeli society, adding that the country “respects all its citizens.” | He also pledged to heal the divisions within Israeli society, adding that the country “respects all its citizens.” |
| Internationally, analysts say his return amid such a hard-line coalition would test some of Israel’s diplomatic relations, most notably with the United States and with the Persian Gulf states with which Israel recently formed alliances. | Internationally, analysts say his return amid such a hard-line coalition would test some of Israel’s diplomatic relations, most notably with the United States and with the Persian Gulf states with which Israel recently formed alliances. |
| Mr. Netanyahu himself oversaw the creation of those ties during his last spell in office. But his new coalition allies’ priorities are likely to heighten tensions with the Palestinians, which could embarrass Israel’s Arab and American partners. | Mr. Netanyahu himself oversaw the creation of those ties during his last spell in office. But his new coalition allies’ priorities are likely to heighten tensions with the Palestinians, which could embarrass Israel’s Arab and American partners. |
| The tensions underscore the complexity of Mr. Netanyahu’s return: At 73, and about to begin his third stint in power, he is a known quantity, with a well-documented past, who is about to take Israel into an unknowable future. | The tensions underscore the complexity of Mr. Netanyahu’s return: At 73, and about to begin his third stint in power, he is a known quantity, with a well-documented past, who is about to take Israel into an unknowable future. |
| Mr. Netanyahu’s far-right allies want to weaken and overhaul Israel’s justice system, giving politicians more control of judicial appointments and loosening the Supreme Court’s oversight of parliamentary process. Those allies could make such policies a condition of their joining his coalition. | Mr. Netanyahu’s far-right allies want to weaken and overhaul Israel’s justice system, giving politicians more control of judicial appointments and loosening the Supreme Court’s oversight of parliamentary process. Those allies could make such policies a condition of their joining his coalition. |
| They also want to end Palestinian autonomy in parts of the occupied West Bank and have a history of antagonizing the Palestinian minority within Israel itself, a track record that has raised fears that the new government could roil Jewish-Arab tensions in Israel and curb any remaining hope of an end to the occupation. | They also want to end Palestinian autonomy in parts of the occupied West Bank and have a history of antagonizing the Palestinian minority within Israel itself, a track record that has raised fears that the new government could roil Jewish-Arab tensions in Israel and curb any remaining hope of an end to the occupation. |
| Foreign-policy experts predict that Mr. Netanyahu, once back in office, will be forced to tread an awkward path between mollifying hard-line allies at home and avoiding confrontations with international partners that support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. | Foreign-policy experts predict that Mr. Netanyahu, once back in office, will be forced to tread an awkward path between mollifying hard-line allies at home and avoiding confrontations with international partners that support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. |
| The State Department has already hinted that the Biden administration has reservations about Mr. Netanyahu’s likely coalition partners. | The State Department has already hinted that the Biden administration has reservations about Mr. Netanyahu’s likely coalition partners. |
| “We hope that all Israeli government officials will continue to share the values of an open, democratic society, including tolerance and respect for all in civil society, particularly for minority groups,” said the department’s spokesman, Ned Price, when asked about the election result on Wednesday. | “We hope that all Israeli government officials will continue to share the values of an open, democratic society, including tolerance and respect for all in civil society, particularly for minority groups,” said the department’s spokesman, Ned Price, when asked about the election result on Wednesday. |
| Aaron David Miller, a former senior official at the State Department, said that Mr. Biden and Mr. Netanyahu would try to avoid conflict because they have other, more pressing priorities. | Aaron David Miller, a former senior official at the State Department, said that Mr. Biden and Mr. Netanyahu would try to avoid conflict because they have other, more pressing priorities. |
| But, Mr. Miller said, “At a minimum, Biden and Netanyahu will likely annoy the hell out of one another.” | But, Mr. Miller said, “At a minimum, Biden and Netanyahu will likely annoy the hell out of one another.” |
| Mr. Netanyahu was the primary architect of the landmark diplomatic relationships that Israel forged in 2020, during the Trump administration, with Bahrain, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates. His re-election is not expected to upend those new ties, even if it presents them with new challenges. | |
| Though none of Israel’s new partners have renounced the Palestinian cause, analysts say that Persian Gulf leaders consider their own national interests to be a greater immediate priority. | Though none of Israel’s new partners have renounced the Palestinian cause, analysts say that Persian Gulf leaders consider their own national interests to be a greater immediate priority. |
| “From the perspective of any of the Gulf states, normalization is tied to their long-term strategic plans and has little to do with the day-to-day of Israeli politics,” said Elham Fakhro, a research fellow at the Center for Gulf Studies at Exeter University in England. | “From the perspective of any of the Gulf states, normalization is tied to their long-term strategic plans and has little to do with the day-to-day of Israeli politics,” said Elham Fakhro, a research fellow at the Center for Gulf Studies at Exeter University in England. |
| Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an influential academic in the U.A.E., said that while the Emirati-Israeli relationship was “here to stay,” the far right’s rise would significantly slow the pace of any joint projects between the two countries. | Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an influential academic in the U.A.E., said that while the Emirati-Israeli relationship was “here to stay,” the far right’s rise would significantly slow the pace of any joint projects between the two countries. |
| “The momentum has been very fast forward so far — and that’s something you can’t sustain with this right-wing government in Israel,” Professor Abdulla said. “Including all these extremists in government is not looked on very favorably by the U.A.E.” | “The momentum has been very fast forward so far — and that’s something you can’t sustain with this right-wing government in Israel,” Professor Abdulla said. “Including all these extremists in government is not looked on very favorably by the U.A.E.” |
| Just as he went along with the 1990s Oslo peace accords that were supposed to lay the path for Palestinian statehood after criticizing them while in the opposition, Mr. Netanyahu is also expected to stick to a recent maritime deal with Lebanon that he condemned when it was negotiated. | |
| But his election may make it harder to formalize ties between Israel and the most influential Arab country, Saudi Arabia. The Saudi government recently made small diplomatic gestures to Israel, like allowing Israeli planes to fly through its airspace, but said it would not agree to full diplomatic relations until the creation of a Palestinian state. | But his election may make it harder to formalize ties between Israel and the most influential Arab country, Saudi Arabia. The Saudi government recently made small diplomatic gestures to Israel, like allowing Israeli planes to fly through its airspace, but said it would not agree to full diplomatic relations until the creation of a Palestinian state. |
| “It is unlikely that there will be traction on the Saudi-Israeli diplomatic relationship,” Dr. Fakhro said. In exchange for normalizing ties, Saudi Arabia “would expect something major in return,” she added. “Netanyahu’s approach — by definition — rejects the possibility of major concessions.” | “It is unlikely that there will be traction on the Saudi-Israeli diplomatic relationship,” Dr. Fakhro said. In exchange for normalizing ties, Saudi Arabia “would expect something major in return,” she added. “Netanyahu’s approach — by definition — rejects the possibility of major concessions.” |
| In Israel, Mr. Netanyahu’s opponents fear that his return will empower the more extreme figures in his coalition. One of them, Bezalel Smotrich, wants to be defense minister; Mr. Ben-Gvir, wants to oversee the police force. | In Israel, Mr. Netanyahu’s opponents fear that his return will empower the more extreme figures in his coalition. One of them, Bezalel Smotrich, wants to be defense minister; Mr. Ben-Gvir, wants to oversee the police force. |
| Until 2020, Mr. Ben-Gvir hung a portrait in his home of an Israeli settler who shot dead 29 Palestinians in a West Bank mosque in 1994. As a teenager, Mr. Ben-Gvir was barred from army service because he was considered too extremist. He also describes a hard-line rabbi who wanted to strip Arab Israelis of their citizenship as his “hero.” | Until 2020, Mr. Ben-Gvir hung a portrait in his home of an Israeli settler who shot dead 29 Palestinians in a West Bank mosque in 1994. As a teenager, Mr. Ben-Gvir was barred from army service because he was considered too extremist. He also describes a hard-line rabbi who wanted to strip Arab Israelis of their citizenship as his “hero.” |
| “We are heading in a direction that heralds nothing good,” said Ms. Touma-Suleiman, the Palestinian lawmaker in the Israeli Parliament. “We feel that we are being targeted.” | “We are heading in a direction that heralds nothing good,” said Ms. Touma-Suleiman, the Palestinian lawmaker in the Israeli Parliament. “We feel that we are being targeted.” |
| Myra Noveck and Hiba Yazbek contributed reporting from Jerusalem, and Gabby Sobelman from Rehovot, Israel. | Myra Noveck and Hiba Yazbek contributed reporting from Jerusalem, and Gabby Sobelman from Rehovot, Israel. |