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| A Group Raised Money to Push Adams’s Agenda. Much of It Went to One Man. | A Group Raised Money to Push Adams’s Agenda. Much of It Went to One Man. |
| (8 days later) | |
| Last fall, with Eric Adams’s election as mayor of New York City all but assured, a key ally set up a political action committee as a way for the mayor-in-waiting’s supporters to advance his agenda on public safety and education. | Last fall, with Eric Adams’s election as mayor of New York City all but assured, a key ally set up a political action committee as a way for the mayor-in-waiting’s supporters to advance his agenda on public safety and education. |
| With Mr. Adams’s fund-raising help and stamp of approval, the PAC, Striving for a Better New York, ultimately raised a little over $1.3 million. It promised to use the money to support state candidates aligned with him. | With Mr. Adams’s fund-raising help and stamp of approval, the PAC, Striving for a Better New York, ultimately raised a little over $1.3 million. It promised to use the money to support state candidates aligned with him. |
| But a year later, with the critical midterm elections looming, by far the largest share of the committee’s spending has gone not to candidates fighting for election, but instead to the group’s leader, the Rev. Alfred L. Cockfield II, and his associates. | But a year later, with the critical midterm elections looming, by far the largest share of the committee’s spending has gone not to candidates fighting for election, but instead to the group’s leader, the Rev. Alfred L. Cockfield II, and his associates. |
| Mr. Cockfield has collected more than $126,000 in wages and consulting fees for his work as chairman, according to public campaign documents filed last week. Another $143,000 was paid to two colleagues of Mr. Cockfield and Mr. Adams. Thousands of dollars more were spent on travel, meetings and meals at trendy hotels and night clubs. | Mr. Cockfield has collected more than $126,000 in wages and consulting fees for his work as chairman, according to public campaign documents filed last week. Another $143,000 was paid to two colleagues of Mr. Cockfield and Mr. Adams. Thousands of dollars more were spent on travel, meetings and meals at trendy hotels and night clubs. |
| And in June, the committee wrote an unusual and legally dubious $60,000 check to Lamad Academy, a charter school in Brooklyn founded and run by Mr. Cockfield. In its filings, the PAC listed the expenditure as a “nonpolitical donation.” | And in June, the committee wrote an unusual and legally dubious $60,000 check to Lamad Academy, a charter school in Brooklyn founded and run by Mr. Cockfield. In its filings, the PAC listed the expenditure as a “nonpolitical donation.” |
| By comparison, just $168,000 — or $1 out of every $4 that the group has spent — has gone to political activities so far. Most of that money came in direct contributions to candidates clustered around summer primary contests; as of last Friday, Mr. Cockfield’s group had not reported directly spending any money on next week’s general election. | By comparison, just $168,000 — or $1 out of every $4 that the group has spent — has gone to political activities so far. Most of that money came in direct contributions to candidates clustered around summer primary contests; as of last Friday, Mr. Cockfield’s group had not reported directly spending any money on next week’s general election. |
| The rules governing how political action committees use the money they raise are porous in New York and only sporadically policed, giving wide leeway for how these groups spend their funds. But multiple campaign finance experts said that the activity, particularly the charitable donation to Mr. Cockfield’s charter school, could potentially run afoul of election laws designed to prevent self-dealing. | The rules governing how political action committees use the money they raise are porous in New York and only sporadically policed, giving wide leeway for how these groups spend their funds. But multiple campaign finance experts said that the activity, particularly the charitable donation to Mr. Cockfield’s charter school, could potentially run afoul of election laws designed to prevent self-dealing. |
| “There’s nothing in there that says you can raise money for political purposes and then just use it for whatever you want,” said Kathleen O’Keefe, a former Democratic counsel at the New York State Board of Elections. “In other words, you’re basically committing fraud on the people that gave you that money.” | “There’s nothing in there that says you can raise money for political purposes and then just use it for whatever you want,” said Kathleen O’Keefe, a former Democratic counsel at the New York State Board of Elections. “In other words, you’re basically committing fraud on the people that gave you that money.” |
| It would not be the first time that Striving for a Better New York has attracted scrutiny. The group had to refund close to $100,000 in May after investigators for the State Board of Elections’ division of election law enforcement flagged problematic contributions from limited liability corporations whose owners Mr. Cockfield was not able to identify. | |
| Mr. Cockfield defended his stewardship of the PAC in a series of written responses to The New York Times. He said that spending levels were related to one-time “start-up costs” and fell within his discretion as chairman. Asked about the group’s lack of recent political activity, he said that it planned to make additional contributions for Tuesday’s election that would be disclosed in the coming weeks, but declined to reveal them because he did not want to “share our political strategies with you or anyone else.” | Mr. Cockfield defended his stewardship of the PAC in a series of written responses to The New York Times. He said that spending levels were related to one-time “start-up costs” and fell within his discretion as chairman. Asked about the group’s lack of recent political activity, he said that it planned to make additional contributions for Tuesday’s election that would be disclosed in the coming weeks, but declined to reveal them because he did not want to “share our political strategies with you or anyone else.” |
| Mr. Cockfield said that the contribution to his charter school would go “toward enhancement of the educational program,” not his salary. In fact, he framed the group’s nonpolitical giving as part of its mission, even though Striving for a Better New York’s website says that its purpose is to fund political candidates. | Mr. Cockfield said that the contribution to his charter school would go “toward enhancement of the educational program,” not his salary. In fact, he framed the group’s nonpolitical giving as part of its mission, even though Striving for a Better New York’s website says that its purpose is to fund political candidates. |
| “The PAC exists to advance community interests, and broader interests, to help make a better New York,” Mr. Cockfield said on Wednesday. “Helping a struggling charter school serves that purpose.” | “The PAC exists to advance community interests, and broader interests, to help make a better New York,” Mr. Cockfield said on Wednesday. “Helping a struggling charter school serves that purpose.” |
| Mr. Adams has no formal control over the group and has not received any known financial benefit from it. Evan Thies, a spokesman for the mayor’s campaign, said that Mr. Adams’s political campaign and Mr. Cockfield’s operation “are two wholly separate entities with separate leadership and do not work together.” | Mr. Adams has no formal control over the group and has not received any known financial benefit from it. Evan Thies, a spokesman for the mayor’s campaign, said that Mr. Adams’s political campaign and Mr. Cockfield’s operation “are two wholly separate entities with separate leadership and do not work together.” |
| But the group’s spending could pose fresh political problems for the mayor, whose inner circle has already attracted scrutiny. | But the group’s spending could pose fresh political problems for the mayor, whose inner circle has already attracted scrutiny. |
| At the time the PAC was formed, Mr. Adams — whose campaign had already raised all the money it needed — and some members of his team helped steer donors who still wanted to show their support to Mr. Cockfield’s new group. He also headlined a major fund-raiser for the group last year, an event first reported by Politico. | At the time the PAC was formed, Mr. Adams — whose campaign had already raised all the money it needed — and some members of his team helped steer donors who still wanted to show their support to Mr. Cockfield’s new group. He also headlined a major fund-raiser for the group last year, an event first reported by Politico. |
| The mayor also has strong ties to Mr. Cockfield, who joined him onstage at Mr. Adams’s election night victory party and then served on the mayor-elect’s transition team, despite having a tangled personal history. | The mayor also has strong ties to Mr. Cockfield, who joined him onstage at Mr. Adams’s election night victory party and then served on the mayor-elect’s transition team, despite having a tangled personal history. |
| Mr. Cockfield, the son of a politically connected pastor at God’s Battalion of Prayer Church, pleaded guilty in 1998 to transporting three kilograms of cocaine to North Carolina and carrying $55,000 back in proceeds. He served a reduced sentence. | Mr. Cockfield, the son of a politically connected pastor at God’s Battalion of Prayer Church, pleaded guilty in 1998 to transporting three kilograms of cocaine to North Carolina and carrying $55,000 back in proceeds. He served a reduced sentence. |
| Mr. Cockfield registered Striving for a Better New York in September 2021 in the final weeks of the mayoral contest to pool donations for candidates with agendas like Mr. Adams’s. At the time, he said in a statement that the group was created to support “a more practical — and less ideological — approach to education, business and public safety.” New Yorkers, he said, were “tired of the culture wars and the fighting; they want results.” | Mr. Cockfield registered Striving for a Better New York in September 2021 in the final weeks of the mayoral contest to pool donations for candidates with agendas like Mr. Adams’s. At the time, he said in a statement that the group was created to support “a more practical — and less ideological — approach to education, business and public safety.” New Yorkers, he said, were “tired of the culture wars and the fighting; they want results.” |
| While the campaign was subject to strict city contribution limits, Striving for a Better New York was able to accept much larger checks. | While the campaign was subject to strict city contribution limits, Striving for a Better New York was able to accept much larger checks. |
| Eric Hadar, a real estate developer, gave $100,000 in total. Sam Darwish, a telecommunications executive, gave $50,000. Others chipped in smaller amounts. | Eric Hadar, a real estate developer, gave $100,000 in total. Sam Darwish, a telecommunications executive, gave $50,000. Others chipped in smaller amounts. |
| “My intention was to support Adams and the party, and I’m very surprised and upset to hear that the money may have not been used entirely to the furtherance of Mayor Adams’s or the party’s objectives,” Mr. Hadar said this week. (Mr. Darwish declined to comment.) | “My intention was to support Adams and the party, and I’m very surprised and upset to hear that the money may have not been used entirely to the furtherance of Mayor Adams’s or the party’s objectives,” Mr. Hadar said this week. (Mr. Darwish declined to comment.) |
| As of last week’s state filing, the group had spent down or refunded more than half of everything it raised, leaving a balance of just over $450,000. | As of last week’s state filing, the group had spent down or refunded more than half of everything it raised, leaving a balance of just over $450,000. |
| Some of the money has gone to support political candidates. Striving for a Better New York made roughly three dozen political contributions between February and August. They included $1,500 to Pinny Ringel, a former City Hall aide backed by Mr. Adams who won a district leader position in Brooklyn; $7,500 each to Conrad Tillard and Kevin Parker, Adams-backed State Senate candidates; $4,700 to Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie; and $3,100 to the district leader campaign of Edu Hermelyn, who briefly served in a $190,000-a-year Adams administration post. | Some of the money has gone to support political candidates. Striving for a Better New York made roughly three dozen political contributions between February and August. They included $1,500 to Pinny Ringel, a former City Hall aide backed by Mr. Adams who won a district leader position in Brooklyn; $7,500 each to Conrad Tillard and Kevin Parker, Adams-backed State Senate candidates; $4,700 to Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie; and $3,100 to the district leader campaign of Edu Hermelyn, who briefly served in a $190,000-a-year Adams administration post. |
| The group does not appear to have spent any money on other, more effort-intensive forms of political activity. | The group does not appear to have spent any money on other, more effort-intensive forms of political activity. |
| Instead, the vast majority of its expenditures, around $500,000, have gone toward activity that is not directly political. | Instead, the vast majority of its expenditures, around $500,000, have gone toward activity that is not directly political. |
| The more than $126,000 in wages and consulting fees collected by Mr. Cockfield exceeded the $83,000 that he told the I.R.S. he earned as chief executive of Lamad Academy. In a later filing with the state, he put his charter school salary at between $150,000 and $250,000. | The more than $126,000 in wages and consulting fees collected by Mr. Cockfield exceeded the $83,000 that he told the I.R.S. he earned as chief executive of Lamad Academy. In a later filing with the state, he put his charter school salary at between $150,000 and $250,000. |
| Striving for a Better New York paid $53,000 in wages and consulting fees to Carmen Sterling to serve as the group’s treasurer. Ms. Sterling, who also works for Lamad Academy, did not reply to an email seeking comment. | Striving for a Better New York paid $53,000 in wages and consulting fees to Carmen Sterling to serve as the group’s treasurer. Ms. Sterling, who also works for Lamad Academy, did not reply to an email seeking comment. |
| The political group also paid more than $90,000 to Brianna Suggs, a former aide to Mr. Adams when he was Brooklyn borough president. Ms. Suggs was paid to raise money for both the committee and for Mr. Adams’s current and former mayoral campaigns. | The political group also paid more than $90,000 to Brianna Suggs, a former aide to Mr. Adams when he was Brooklyn borough president. Ms. Suggs was paid to raise money for both the committee and for Mr. Adams’s current and former mayoral campaigns. |
| Striving for a Better New York has not reported raising any money since the winter, but the group has continued paying Ms. Suggs $10,000 a month as a campaign consultant. Ms. Suggs referred questions to her spokesman, Jordan Barowitz, who said she was paid to both fund-raise and screen candidates. Mr. Cockfield added that Ms. Suggs was the group’s sole fund-raiser and that she “negotiated a payout over time” for her services. | Striving for a Better New York has not reported raising any money since the winter, but the group has continued paying Ms. Suggs $10,000 a month as a campaign consultant. Ms. Suggs referred questions to her spokesman, Jordan Barowitz, who said she was paid to both fund-raise and screen candidates. Mr. Cockfield added that Ms. Suggs was the group’s sole fund-raiser and that she “negotiated a payout over time” for her services. |
| “We haven’t had a fund-raiser in quite some time that I’m aware of,” said Bradley Gerstman, a lobbyist who sits on the PAC’s board. Asked about the payments to Mr. Cockfield’s charter school and the disproportionate amount of money the PAC is spending on wages and vendor services, Mr. Gerstman said, “It’s the first I’m hearing about it.” | “We haven’t had a fund-raiser in quite some time that I’m aware of,” said Bradley Gerstman, a lobbyist who sits on the PAC’s board. Asked about the payments to Mr. Cockfield’s charter school and the disproportionate amount of money the PAC is spending on wages and vendor services, Mr. Gerstman said, “It’s the first I’m hearing about it.” |
| Other expenses included $78,000 in payments to ADP, which provides human resources services; $27,000 to Martin E. Connor, the group’s lawyer and a former Democratic state senator; and $20,000 for “professional services” to a company called DRX Consulting, which was not easily identifiable. | Other expenses included $78,000 in payments to ADP, which provides human resources services; $27,000 to Martin E. Connor, the group’s lawyer and a former Democratic state senator; and $20,000 for “professional services” to a company called DRX Consulting, which was not easily identifiable. |
| “When they have a legal question, they ask me,” Mr. Connor said, declining to answer any other questions about the group’s work. | “When they have a legal question, they ask me,” Mr. Connor said, declining to answer any other questions about the group’s work. |
| The committee did not report any additional information about its donation to Lamad Academy. It did make two smaller disbursements marked as nonpolitical donations: $1,250 to the NAACP Hempstead Branch and $1,545 to the 67th Precinct Clergy Council, a public safety oriented group in Brooklyn, known as the “God Squad,” that Mr. Cockfield has said he helped found. | The committee did not report any additional information about its donation to Lamad Academy. It did make two smaller disbursements marked as nonpolitical donations: $1,250 to the NAACP Hempstead Branch and $1,545 to the 67th Precinct Clergy Council, a public safety oriented group in Brooklyn, known as the “God Squad,” that Mr. Cockfield has said he helped found. |
| Mr. Cockfield said he made the donations because “the PAC supports their efforts and builds good will for the PAC’s endeavors by these contributions.” | Mr. Cockfield said he made the donations because “the PAC supports their efforts and builds good will for the PAC’s endeavors by these contributions.” |
| Political committees handle compensation in different ways and there is nothing prohibiting the group from paying officers or vendors, large sums for their services. But the arrangement could turn off donors and dissuade them from future contributions — and possibly attract the suspicions of civil or criminal investigators. | Political committees handle compensation in different ways and there is nothing prohibiting the group from paying officers or vendors, large sums for their services. But the arrangement could turn off donors and dissuade them from future contributions — and possibly attract the suspicions of civil or criminal investigators. |
| Since his release from prison, Mr. Cockfield has gone on to assemble a diverse résumé. He lists his occupation as the chief operations officer of his family’s church, which he has described as a global economic development player, was appointed by former Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo to the Long Island Power Authority, and founded Lamad Academy, which enrolls students starting in sixth grade. He has also had business before the city, according to a municipal database. | Since his release from prison, Mr. Cockfield has gone on to assemble a diverse résumé. He lists his occupation as the chief operations officer of his family’s church, which he has described as a global economic development player, was appointed by former Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo to the Long Island Power Authority, and founded Lamad Academy, which enrolls students starting in sixth grade. He has also had business before the city, according to a municipal database. |
| In his 2021 state financial disclosures, Mr. Cockfield reported earning between $270,000 and $450,000 in income from activities associated with his family’s church and from his position at the charter school. | In his 2021 state financial disclosures, Mr. Cockfield reported earning between $270,000 and $450,000 in income from activities associated with his family’s church and from his position at the charter school. |
| In certain cases, New York allows candidates and political committees to make contributions to registered nonprofit organizations like the charter school. But state law prohibits spending committee money for “personal use which is unrelated to a political campaign or the holding of a public office or party position.” | In certain cases, New York allows candidates and political committees to make contributions to registered nonprofit organizations like the charter school. But state law prohibits spending committee money for “personal use which is unrelated to a political campaign or the holding of a public office or party position.” |
| A contribution from one group controlled by Mr. Cockfield to another appears to at least raise the appearance that it might serve his personal interests, the campaign finance experts said, and warrants further scrutiny to see how the funds were ultimately used. | A contribution from one group controlled by Mr. Cockfield to another appears to at least raise the appearance that it might serve his personal interests, the campaign finance experts said, and warrants further scrutiny to see how the funds were ultimately used. |
| “The nonprofit is not running for election in a primary or general election,” Ms. O’Keefe said. | “The nonprofit is not running for election in a primary or general election,” Ms. O’Keefe said. |