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When Asian-Americans Have to Prove We Belong When Asian-Americans Have to Prove We Belong
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The coronavirus pandemic has unleashed a torrent of anti-Asian racism in America that shows no signs of abating. Asian-Americans have been spat on in the streets, harassed and insulted. Even children have been attacked as our fellow citizens blame us for a virus that threatens our families no less than any other household.The coronavirus pandemic has unleashed a torrent of anti-Asian racism in America that shows no signs of abating. Asian-Americans have been spat on in the streets, harassed and insulted. Even children have been attacked as our fellow citizens blame us for a virus that threatens our families no less than any other household.
This is not the first season of darkness for Asian-Americans in this country. Nearly 80 years ago, Japanese-Americans were forced from their homes into barren internment camps. It did not matter how long they had lived here or what they had contributed. They were still considered foreign — dangerous to their neighbors and a threat that had to be contained.This is not the first season of darkness for Asian-Americans in this country. Nearly 80 years ago, Japanese-Americans were forced from their homes into barren internment camps. It did not matter how long they had lived here or what they had contributed. They were still considered foreign — dangerous to their neighbors and a threat that had to be contained.
Today, as then, Asian-Americans are wondering how to respond. The former presidential candidate Andrew Yang on April 1 called on the community to “show our American-ness” by pitching in to fight the pandemic, invoking the example set by Japanese-Americans who proved their loyalty to white America by volunteering to fight in World War II.Today, as then, Asian-Americans are wondering how to respond. The former presidential candidate Andrew Yang on April 1 called on the community to “show our American-ness” by pitching in to fight the pandemic, invoking the example set by Japanese-Americans who proved their loyalty to white America by volunteering to fight in World War II.
Books and movies have memorialized the dramatic story of those soldiers, who made up the 442nd Regiment of the U.S. Army, one of the most decorated American units from the war. Less known is what happened after their sacrifice, when Japanese-American leaders leveraged the regiment’s heroism to end a ban on Asian immigration and to win naturalization rights for all Asians.Books and movies have memorialized the dramatic story of those soldiers, who made up the 442nd Regiment of the U.S. Army, one of the most decorated American units from the war. Less known is what happened after their sacrifice, when Japanese-American leaders leveraged the regiment’s heroism to end a ban on Asian immigration and to win naturalization rights for all Asians.
But that political fight did not have a happy ending. Appeasing white America did in fact achieve some victories — even major ones — for the Asian-American community. As a strategy to defeat racism in the long run, though, it fell painfully short.But that political fight did not have a happy ending. Appeasing white America did in fact achieve some victories — even major ones — for the Asian-American community. As a strategy to defeat racism in the long run, though, it fell painfully short.
The chief architect of this plan was Mike Masaoka, a son of Japanese immigrants who grew up in Utah. He was 26 years old when the U.S. military placed his family in an internment camp. Working for a group called the Japanese American Citizens League, he told terrified families to cooperate with evacuation orders and lobbied the Pentagon to allow second-generation Japanese-Americans to enlist in the military.The chief architect of this plan was Mike Masaoka, a son of Japanese immigrants who grew up in Utah. He was 26 years old when the U.S. military placed his family in an internment camp. Working for a group called the Japanese American Citizens League, he told terrified families to cooperate with evacuation orders and lobbied the Pentagon to allow second-generation Japanese-Americans to enlist in the military.
Not all Japanese-Americans were on board with Masaoka’s strategy. After the Japanese American Citizens League’s leadership endorsed military service, fights broke out at an internment camp in Manzanar, Calif. But Masaoka dismissed these protests, arguing “the most effective weapon” against Japanese-Americans being persecuted would be “a record of having fought valiantly for our country side by side with Americans of other racial extraction.”Not all Japanese-Americans were on board with Masaoka’s strategy. After the Japanese American Citizens League’s leadership endorsed military service, fights broke out at an internment camp in Manzanar, Calif. But Masaoka dismissed these protests, arguing “the most effective weapon” against Japanese-Americans being persecuted would be “a record of having fought valiantly for our country side by side with Americans of other racial extraction.”
Among the first to join the 442nd Regiment, Masaoka participated in one of the unit’s most daring episodes: the 1944 rescue of a battalion of Texans in the Vosges Mountains in eastern France, in which the regiment suffered about 800 casualties. The dead included Masaoka’s older brother Ben.Among the first to join the 442nd Regiment, Masaoka participated in one of the unit’s most daring episodes: the 1944 rescue of a battalion of Texans in the Vosges Mountains in eastern France, in which the regiment suffered about 800 casualties. The dead included Masaoka’s older brother Ben.
When the war was over, and with Japanese-American sacrifices on the battlefield still fresh, Masaoka believed there would never be a better time to demand equal treatment.When the war was over, and with Japanese-American sacrifices on the battlefield still fresh, Masaoka believed there would never be a better time to demand equal treatment.
It is hard to imagine now, with Asians the fastest-growing racial group in America, but in the first half of the 20th century they were largely blocked from entering the country and prevented from becoming citizens after they arrived. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 had banned the immigration of Chinese laborers, and in 1924, Congress enacted a new set of ethnic quotas dreamed up by eugenicists aimed at maintaining their conception of America as a white and Anglo-Saxon nation. By designating some races as more desirable than others, the law sharply restricted Jewish and Italian immigration — and banned nearly all Asians.It is hard to imagine now, with Asians the fastest-growing racial group in America, but in the first half of the 20th century they were largely blocked from entering the country and prevented from becoming citizens after they arrived. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 had banned the immigration of Chinese laborers, and in 1924, Congress enacted a new set of ethnic quotas dreamed up by eugenicists aimed at maintaining their conception of America as a white and Anglo-Saxon nation. By designating some races as more desirable than others, the law sharply restricted Jewish and Italian immigration — and banned nearly all Asians.
In the years that followed, a small group of Jewish lawmakers fought to abolish the quotas. In 1952, when Congress embarked on its most ambitious overhaul of the country’s immigration system in decades, they recognized their best opportunity in a generation.In the years that followed, a small group of Jewish lawmakers fought to abolish the quotas. In 1952, when Congress embarked on its most ambitious overhaul of the country’s immigration system in decades, they recognized their best opportunity in a generation.
Masaoka joined the fray, lobbying for a provision that gave Asians the right to naturalize and for an easing of the nearly comprehensive ban on Asian immigration.Masaoka joined the fray, lobbying for a provision that gave Asians the right to naturalize and for an easing of the nearly comprehensive ban on Asian immigration.
But defeating the overall quota system proved more difficult. With the Red Scare at its zenith, lawmakers were wary of admitting Eastern and Southern European immigrants, whom they associated with radical political activity. And so to the dismay of Jewish leaders, lawmakers refused to abandon ethnic quotas giving preference to countries like Britain.But defeating the overall quota system proved more difficult. With the Red Scare at its zenith, lawmakers were wary of admitting Eastern and Southern European immigrants, whom they associated with radical political activity. And so to the dismay of Jewish leaders, lawmakers refused to abandon ethnic quotas giving preference to countries like Britain.
Nor were African-American leaders pleased. By the end of World War II, more than 250,000 black immigrants from the Caribbean had settled in the United States, mostly in New York City and Chicago, counted within the large quotas of their colonizers, the British, the French and the Dutch. But the 1952 bill aimed to cap this flow of immigrants at 100 a year from each of these European colonies.Nor were African-American leaders pleased. By the end of World War II, more than 250,000 black immigrants from the Caribbean had settled in the United States, mostly in New York City and Chicago, counted within the large quotas of their colonizers, the British, the French and the Dutch. But the 1952 bill aimed to cap this flow of immigrants at 100 a year from each of these European colonies.
Updated August 24, 2020 Updated August 27, 2020
Masaoka did not relish having the interests of Japanese-Americans pitted against those of other immigrants. But to secure gains for his community, he decided to abandon the other groups to support what became known as the McCarran-Walter Act.Masaoka did not relish having the interests of Japanese-Americans pitted against those of other immigrants. But to secure gains for his community, he decided to abandon the other groups to support what became known as the McCarran-Walter Act.
Winning the right to naturalize was a watershed moment in Asian-American history. But the fight left others bitter. “It is impossible to compute the amount of harm which the Japanese American Citizens League and Masaoka caused to effective opposition to this legislation,” concluded an analysis conducted by the American Jewish Congress.Winning the right to naturalize was a watershed moment in Asian-American history. But the fight left others bitter. “It is impossible to compute the amount of harm which the Japanese American Citizens League and Masaoka caused to effective opposition to this legislation,” concluded an analysis conducted by the American Jewish Congress.
It would take 13 more years of pressure from Jewish lawmakers and activists and support from the Irish Catholic Kennedy family before race-based quotas were finally abolished from the country’s immigration system. The success of the black civil rights movement also provided moral momentum for the cause. In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act, abolishing the race-based quotas once and for all.It would take 13 more years of pressure from Jewish lawmakers and activists and support from the Irish Catholic Kennedy family before race-based quotas were finally abolished from the country’s immigration system. The success of the black civil rights movement also provided moral momentum for the cause. In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act, abolishing the race-based quotas once and for all.
The 1965 law proved much more transformational for Asian-Americans than Masaoka’s 1952 effort, opening the gates to non-European immigration, especially from Asia, in numbers that this country had never seen before.The 1965 law proved much more transformational for Asian-Americans than Masaoka’s 1952 effort, opening the gates to non-European immigration, especially from Asia, in numbers that this country had never seen before.
But Masaoka’s battle was not inconsequential. Once Asian immigrants became citizens, they were able to take advantage of the law’s preference for keeping families together by bringing relatives living abroad to American shores. If Masaoka had not previously won Asians the right to naturalize, far fewer of them would have been able to settle in this country.But Masaoka’s battle was not inconsequential. Once Asian immigrants became citizens, they were able to take advantage of the law’s preference for keeping families together by bringing relatives living abroad to American shores. If Masaoka had not previously won Asians the right to naturalize, far fewer of them would have been able to settle in this country.
Yet because he decided to go it alone in his fight, Asian-Americans lost a precious opportunity to build an alliance across racial groups — a pattern that persists to this day. The recent attacks have exposed the fact that Asian-Americans remain dangerously isolated politically, estranged from one another and from potential allies.Yet because he decided to go it alone in his fight, Asian-Americans lost a precious opportunity to build an alliance across racial groups — a pattern that persists to this day. The recent attacks have exposed the fact that Asian-Americans remain dangerously isolated politically, estranged from one another and from potential allies.
This current spasm of racism offers an opportunity for the tenuous Asian-American community to come together as never before and demand true equality — for itself and for others. The battle cannot be won alone.This current spasm of racism offers an opportunity for the tenuous Asian-American community to come together as never before and demand true equality — for itself and for others. The battle cannot be won alone.
Jia Lynn Yang is a deputy national editor at The New York Times and the author of the forthcoming book “One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924-1965,” from which this essay is adapted.Jia Lynn Yang is a deputy national editor at The New York Times and the author of the forthcoming book “One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924-1965,” from which this essay is adapted.
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