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When Asian-Americans Have to Prove We Belong When Asian-Americans Have to Prove We Belong
(about 2 months later)
The coronavirus pandemic has unleashed a torrent of anti-Asian racism in America that shows no signs of abating. Asian-Americans have been spat on in the streets, harassed and insulted. Even children have been attacked as our fellow citizens blame us for a virus that threatens our families no less than any other household.The coronavirus pandemic has unleashed a torrent of anti-Asian racism in America that shows no signs of abating. Asian-Americans have been spat on in the streets, harassed and insulted. Even children have been attacked as our fellow citizens blame us for a virus that threatens our families no less than any other household.
This is not the first season of darkness for Asian-Americans in this country. Nearly 80 years ago, Japanese-Americans were forced from their homes into barren internment camps. It did not matter how long they had lived here or what they had contributed. They were still considered foreign — dangerous to their neighbors and a threat that had to be contained.This is not the first season of darkness for Asian-Americans in this country. Nearly 80 years ago, Japanese-Americans were forced from their homes into barren internment camps. It did not matter how long they had lived here or what they had contributed. They were still considered foreign — dangerous to their neighbors and a threat that had to be contained.
Today, as then, Asian-Americans are wondering how to respond. The former presidential candidate Andrew Yang on April 1 called on the community to “show our American-ness” by pitching in to fight the pandemic, invoking the example set by Japanese-Americans who proved their loyalty to white America by volunteering to fight in World War II.Today, as then, Asian-Americans are wondering how to respond. The former presidential candidate Andrew Yang on April 1 called on the community to “show our American-ness” by pitching in to fight the pandemic, invoking the example set by Japanese-Americans who proved their loyalty to white America by volunteering to fight in World War II.
Books and movies have memorialized the dramatic story of those soldiers, who made up the 442nd Regiment of the U.S. Army, one of the most decorated American units from the war. Less known is what happened after their sacrifice, when Japanese-American leaders leveraged the regiment’s heroism to end a ban on Asian immigration and to win naturalization rights for all Asians.Books and movies have memorialized the dramatic story of those soldiers, who made up the 442nd Regiment of the U.S. Army, one of the most decorated American units from the war. Less known is what happened after their sacrifice, when Japanese-American leaders leveraged the regiment’s heroism to end a ban on Asian immigration and to win naturalization rights for all Asians.
But that political fight did not have a happy ending. Appeasing white America did in fact achieve some victories — even major ones — for the Asian-American community. As a strategy to defeat racism in the long run, though, it fell painfully short.But that political fight did not have a happy ending. Appeasing white America did in fact achieve some victories — even major ones — for the Asian-American community. As a strategy to defeat racism in the long run, though, it fell painfully short.
The chief architect of this plan was Mike Masaoka, a son of Japanese immigrants who grew up in Utah. He was 26 years old when the U.S. military placed his family in an internment camp. Working for a group called the Japanese American Citizens League, he told terrified families to cooperate with evacuation orders and lobbied the Pentagon to allow second-generation Japanese-Americans to enlist in the military.The chief architect of this plan was Mike Masaoka, a son of Japanese immigrants who grew up in Utah. He was 26 years old when the U.S. military placed his family in an internment camp. Working for a group called the Japanese American Citizens League, he told terrified families to cooperate with evacuation orders and lobbied the Pentagon to allow second-generation Japanese-Americans to enlist in the military.
Not all Japanese-Americans were on board with Masaoka’s strategy. After the Japanese American Citizens League’s leadership endorsed military service, fights broke out at an internment camp in Manzanar, Calif. But Masaoka dismissed these protests, arguing “the most effective weapon” against Japanese-Americans being persecuted would be “a record of having fought valiantly for our country side by side with Americans of other racial extraction.”Not all Japanese-Americans were on board with Masaoka’s strategy. After the Japanese American Citizens League’s leadership endorsed military service, fights broke out at an internment camp in Manzanar, Calif. But Masaoka dismissed these protests, arguing “the most effective weapon” against Japanese-Americans being persecuted would be “a record of having fought valiantly for our country side by side with Americans of other racial extraction.”
Among the first to join the 442nd Regiment, Masaoka participated in one of the unit’s most daring episodes: the 1944 rescue of a battalion of Texans in the Vosges Mountains in eastern France, in which the regiment suffered about 800 casualties. The dead included Masaoka’s older brother Ben.Among the first to join the 442nd Regiment, Masaoka participated in one of the unit’s most daring episodes: the 1944 rescue of a battalion of Texans in the Vosges Mountains in eastern France, in which the regiment suffered about 800 casualties. The dead included Masaoka’s older brother Ben.
When the war was over, and with Japanese-American sacrifices on the battlefield still fresh, Masaoka believed there would never be a better time to demand equal treatment.When the war was over, and with Japanese-American sacrifices on the battlefield still fresh, Masaoka believed there would never be a better time to demand equal treatment.
It is hard to imagine now, with Asians the fastest-growing racial group in America, but in the first half of the 20th century they were largely blocked from entering the country and prevented from becoming citizens after they arrived. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 had banned the immigration of Chinese laborers, and in 1924, Congress enacted a new set of ethnic quotas dreamed up by eugenicists aimed at maintaining their conception of America as a white and Anglo-Saxon nation. By designating some races as more desirable than others, the law sharply restricted Jewish and Italian immigration — and banned nearly all Asians.It is hard to imagine now, with Asians the fastest-growing racial group in America, but in the first half of the 20th century they were largely blocked from entering the country and prevented from becoming citizens after they arrived. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 had banned the immigration of Chinese laborers, and in 1924, Congress enacted a new set of ethnic quotas dreamed up by eugenicists aimed at maintaining their conception of America as a white and Anglo-Saxon nation. By designating some races as more desirable than others, the law sharply restricted Jewish and Italian immigration — and banned nearly all Asians.
In the years that followed, a small group of Jewish lawmakers fought to abolish the quotas. In 1952, when Congress embarked on its most ambitious overhaul of the country’s immigration system in decades, they recognized their best opportunity in a generation.In the years that followed, a small group of Jewish lawmakers fought to abolish the quotas. In 1952, when Congress embarked on its most ambitious overhaul of the country’s immigration system in decades, they recognized their best opportunity in a generation.
Masaoka joined the fray, lobbying for a provision that gave Asians the right to naturalize and for an easing of the nearly comprehensive ban on Asian immigration.Masaoka joined the fray, lobbying for a provision that gave Asians the right to naturalize and for an easing of the nearly comprehensive ban on Asian immigration.
But defeating the overall quota system proved more difficult. With the Red Scare at its zenith, lawmakers were wary of admitting Eastern and Southern European immigrants, whom they associated with radical political activity. And so to the dismay of Jewish leaders, lawmakers refused to abandon ethnic quotas giving preference to countries like Britain.But defeating the overall quota system proved more difficult. With the Red Scare at its zenith, lawmakers were wary of admitting Eastern and Southern European immigrants, whom they associated with radical political activity. And so to the dismay of Jewish leaders, lawmakers refused to abandon ethnic quotas giving preference to countries like Britain.
Nor were African-American leaders pleased. By the end of World War II, more than 250,000 black immigrants from the Caribbean had settled in the United States, mostly in New York City and Chicago, counted within the large quotas of their colonizers, the British, the French and the Dutch. But the 1952 bill aimed to cap this flow of immigrants at 100 a year from each of these European colonies.Nor were African-American leaders pleased. By the end of World War II, more than 250,000 black immigrants from the Caribbean had settled in the United States, mostly in New York City and Chicago, counted within the large quotas of their colonizers, the British, the French and the Dutch. But the 1952 bill aimed to cap this flow of immigrants at 100 a year from each of these European colonies.
Masaoka did not relish having the interests of Japanese-Americans pitted against those of other immigrants. But to secure gains for his community, he decided to abandon the other groups to support what became known as the McCarran-Walter Act.Masaoka did not relish having the interests of Japanese-Americans pitted against those of other immigrants. But to secure gains for his community, he decided to abandon the other groups to support what became known as the McCarran-Walter Act.
Updated May 28, 2020
States are reopening bit by bit. This means that more public spaces are available for use and more and more businesses are being allowed to open again. The federal government is largely leaving the decision up to states, and some state leaders are leaving the decision up to local authorities. Even if you aren’t being told to stay at home, it’s still a good idea to limit trips outside and your interaction with other people.
Touching contaminated objects and then infecting ourselves with the germs is not typically how the virus spreads. But it can happen. A number of studies of flu, rhinovirus, coronavirus and other microbes have shown that respiratory illnesses, including the new coronavirus, can spread by touching contaminated surfaces, particularly in places like day care centers, offices and hospitals. But a long chain of events has to happen for the disease to spread that way. The best way to protect yourself from coronavirus — whether it’s surface transmission or close human contact — is still social distancing, washing your hands, not touching your face and wearing masks.
Common symptoms include fever, a dry cough, fatigue and difficulty breathing or shortness of breath. Some of these symptoms overlap with those of the flu, making detection difficult, but runny noses and stuffy sinuses are less common. The C.D.C. has also added chills, muscle pain, sore throat, headache and a new loss of the sense of taste or smell as symptoms to look out for. Most people fall ill five to seven days after exposure, but symptoms may appear in as few as two days or as many as 14 days.
If air travel is unavoidable, there are some steps you can take to protect yourself. Most important: Wash your hands often, and stop touching your face. If possible, choose a window seat. A study from Emory University found that during flu season, the safest place to sit on a plane is by a window, as people sitting in window seats had less contact with potentially sick people. Disinfect hard surfaces. When you get to your seat and your hands are clean, use disinfecting wipes to clean the hard surfaces at your seat like the head and arm rest, the seatbelt buckle, the remote, screen, seat back pocket and the tray table. If the seat is hard and nonporous or leather or pleather, you can wipe that down, too. (Using wipes on upholstered seats could lead to a wet seat and spreading of germs rather than killing them.)
More than 40 million people — the equivalent of 1 in 4 U.S. workers — have filed for unemployment benefits since the pandemic took hold. One in five who were working in February reported losing a job or being furloughed in March or the beginning of April, data from a Federal Reserve survey released on May 14 showed, and that pain was highly concentrated among low earners. Fully 39 percent of former workers living in a household earning $40,000 or less lost work, compared with 13 percent in those making more than $100,000, a Fed official said.
There is an uptick in people reporting symptoms of chilblains, which are painful red or purple lesions that typically appear in the winter on fingers or toes. The lesions are emerging as yet another symptom of infection with the new coronavirus. Chilblains are caused by inflammation in small blood vessels in reaction to cold or damp conditions, but they are usually common in the coldest winter months. Federal health officials do not include toe lesions in the list of coronavirus symptoms, but some dermatologists are pushing for a change, saying so-called Covid toe should be sufficient grounds for testing.
Yes, but make sure you keep six feet of distance between you and people who don’t live in your home. Even if you just hang out in a park, rather than go for a jog or a walk, getting some fresh air, and hopefully sunshine, is a good idea.
Taking one’s temperature to look for signs of fever is not as easy as it sounds, as “normal” temperature numbers can vary, but generally, keep an eye out for a temperature of 100.5 degrees Fahrenheit or higher. If you don’t have a thermometer (they can be pricey these days), there are other ways to figure out if you have a fever, or are at risk of Covid-19 complications.
The C.D.C. has recommended that all Americans wear cloth masks if they go out in public. This is a shift in federal guidance reflecting new concerns that the coronavirus is being spread by infected people who have no symptoms. Until now, the C.D.C., like the W.H.O., has advised that ordinary people don’t need to wear masks unless they are sick and coughing. Part of the reason was to preserve medical-grade masks for health care workers who desperately need them at a time when they are in continuously short supply. Masks don’t replace hand washing and social distancing.
If you’ve been exposed to the coronavirus or think you have, and have a fever or symptoms like a cough or difficulty breathing, call a doctor. They should give you advice on whether you should be tested, how to get tested, and how to seek medical treatment without potentially infecting or exposing others.
If you’re sick and you think you’ve been exposed to the new coronavirus, the C.D.C. recommends that you call your healthcare provider and explain your symptoms and fears. They will decide if you need to be tested. Keep in mind that there’s a chance — because of a lack of testing kits or because you’re asymptomatic, for instance — you won’t be able to get tested.
Charity Navigator, which evaluates charities using a numbers-based system, has a running list of nonprofits working in communities affected by the outbreak. You can give blood through the American Red Cross, and World Central Kitchen has stepped in to distribute meals in major cities.
Winning the right to naturalize was a watershed moment in Asian-American history. But the fight left others bitter. “It is impossible to compute the amount of harm which the Japanese American Citizens League and Masaoka caused to effective opposition to this legislation,” concluded an analysis conducted by the American Jewish Congress.Winning the right to naturalize was a watershed moment in Asian-American history. But the fight left others bitter. “It is impossible to compute the amount of harm which the Japanese American Citizens League and Masaoka caused to effective opposition to this legislation,” concluded an analysis conducted by the American Jewish Congress.
It would take 13 more years of pressure from Jewish lawmakers and activists and support from the Irish Catholic Kennedy family before race-based quotas were finally abolished from the country’s immigration system. The success of the black civil rights movement also provided moral momentum for the cause. In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act, abolishing the race-based quotas once and for all.It would take 13 more years of pressure from Jewish lawmakers and activists and support from the Irish Catholic Kennedy family before race-based quotas were finally abolished from the country’s immigration system. The success of the black civil rights movement also provided moral momentum for the cause. In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act, abolishing the race-based quotas once and for all.
The 1965 law proved much more transformational for Asian-Americans than Masaoka’s 1952 effort, opening the gates to non-European immigration, especially from Asia, in numbers that this country had never seen before.The 1965 law proved much more transformational for Asian-Americans than Masaoka’s 1952 effort, opening the gates to non-European immigration, especially from Asia, in numbers that this country had never seen before.
But Masaoka’s battle was not inconsequential. Once Asian immigrants became citizens, they were able to take advantage of the law’s preference for keeping families together by bringing relatives living abroad to American shores. If Masaoka had not previously won Asians the right to naturalize, far fewer of them would have been able to settle in this country.But Masaoka’s battle was not inconsequential. Once Asian immigrants became citizens, they were able to take advantage of the law’s preference for keeping families together by bringing relatives living abroad to American shores. If Masaoka had not previously won Asians the right to naturalize, far fewer of them would have been able to settle in this country.
Yet because he decided to go it alone in his fight, Asian-Americans lost a precious opportunity to build an alliance across racial groups — a pattern that persists to this day. The recent attacks have exposed the fact that Asian-Americans remain dangerously isolated politically, estranged from one another and from potential allies.Yet because he decided to go it alone in his fight, Asian-Americans lost a precious opportunity to build an alliance across racial groups — a pattern that persists to this day. The recent attacks have exposed the fact that Asian-Americans remain dangerously isolated politically, estranged from one another and from potential allies.
This current spasm of racism offers an opportunity for the tenuous Asian-American community to come together as never before and demand true equality — for itself and for others. The battle cannot be won alone.This current spasm of racism offers an opportunity for the tenuous Asian-American community to come together as never before and demand true equality — for itself and for others. The battle cannot be won alone.
Jia Lynn Yang is a deputy national editor at The New York Times and the author of the forthcoming book “One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924-1965,” from which this essay is adapted.Jia Lynn Yang is a deputy national editor at The New York Times and the author of the forthcoming book “One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924-1965,” from which this essay is adapted.
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