This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at https://www.theguardian.com/business/2019/dec/22/it-will-take-more-than-tory-cash-splashing-to-keep-the-red-wall-blue

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
It will take more than Tory cash-splashing to keep the red wall blue It will take more than Tory cash-splashing to keep the red wall blue
(about 1 hour later)
Central government should play a small role and let spending decisions be taken locallyCentral government should play a small role and let spending decisions be taken locally
“Let’s sort this mess of a town out,” says a voter in Leigh, a former Lancashire mining and mill town on the edges of greater Manchester, writing on the Facebook wall of its first ever Conservative MP.“Let’s sort this mess of a town out,” says a voter in Leigh, a former Lancashire mining and mill town on the edges of greater Manchester, writing on the Facebook wall of its first ever Conservative MP.
“Like Labour have done anything for Leigh over the last 100 years apart from grind it in to the ground,” says another.“Like Labour have done anything for Leigh over the last 100 years apart from grind it in to the ground,” says another.
The central Tory slogan of “get Brexit done”, handed down from headquarters to James Grundy, a local councillor, now elected to represent the town he grew up in, had an important extra element: “and fix our town”.The central Tory slogan of “get Brexit done”, handed down from headquarters to James Grundy, a local councillor, now elected to represent the town he grew up in, had an important extra element: “and fix our town”.
The writing had been on the wall for years in Leigh. People here would have warned long before the election that a political earthquake was coming. Red for almost a century, the town was among the broad swathe of former industrial constituencies to turn blue, redrawing the electoral landscape to keep Boris Johnson safely in Downing Street.The writing had been on the wall for years in Leigh. People here would have warned long before the election that a political earthquake was coming. Red for almost a century, the town was among the broad swathe of former industrial constituencies to turn blue, redrawing the electoral landscape to keep Boris Johnson safely in Downing Street.
Brexit, in a town that voted overwhelmingly leave, played a major role. So did the idea of Jeremy Corbyn as prime minister: the most unpopular opposition leader for half a century, who promised more than he seemed competent to deliver. But while neither can be downplayed, the seeds of defeat for Labour were sown years before 2019. Brexit played a major role in a town that voted overwhelmingly to leave. So did the idea of Jeremy Corbyn as prime minister: the most unpopular opposition leader for half a century, who promised more than he seemed competent to deliver. But while neither can be downplayed, the seeds of defeat for Labour were sown years before 2019.
The seismic shift in Leigh and other so-called “red wall” seats across the north comes from two other deep-rooted problems: The first is the consequences of the economic model that has held sway in Britain for 40 years. The second is the vast centralisation of political power in Westminster.The seismic shift in Leigh and other so-called “red wall” seats across the north comes from two other deep-rooted problems: The first is the consequences of the economic model that has held sway in Britain for 40 years. The second is the vast centralisation of political power in Westminster.
Deindustrialisation began long before the late 1970s, but was propelled faster forward as the 1980s advanced to shift Britain, like many wealthy nations, into a service-orientated economy. What went wrong was the failure of successive governments to support areas similar to Leigh that experienced the hollowing out of jobs as manufacturing employment ebbed away. Deindustrialisation began long before the late 1970s, but was propelled faster forward as the 1980s advanced to shift Britain, like many wealthy nations, into a service-oriented economy. What went wrong was the failure of successive governments to support areas similar to Leigh that experienced the hollowing out of jobs as manufacturing employment ebbed away.
Instead, the red wall towns have low-paid, less-rewarding work as their inheritance, with work in the new boom industries of warehousing, call centres and retail. That’s not to say no good jobs remain. But they do not exist on the scale required, while the idea of commuting to better work elsewhere is a stretch when transport links remain laughably bad.Instead, the red wall towns have low-paid, less-rewarding work as their inheritance, with work in the new boom industries of warehousing, call centres and retail. That’s not to say no good jobs remain. But they do not exist on the scale required, while the idea of commuting to better work elsewhere is a stretch when transport links remain laughably bad.
According to the research group Centre for Towns, constituencies that turned from red to blue were almost all ageing as a consequence of these trends, finding that the over-65 population has risen by about 30% in places like Mansfield, Bolsover and Bishop Auckland. All former Labour bastions that are now Tory seats.According to the research group Centre for Towns, constituencies that turned from red to blue were almost all ageing as a consequence of these trends, finding that the over-65 population has risen by about 30% in places like Mansfield, Bolsover and Bishop Auckland. All former Labour bastions that are now Tory seats.
“It was like a slow motion car crash,” says Jo Platt, the defeated Labour MP. “Pockets of support were collapsing. We have an older demographic here and our kids leave the first opportunity they get.” “It was like a slow-motion car crash,” says Jo Platt, the defeated Labour MP. “Pockets of support were collapsing. We have an older demographic here and our kids leave the first opportunity they get.”
“A lot of it was the Brexit vote. It’s not that they liked Johnson in any way shape or form. They thought he was a bumbling idiot. But it was about getting something done that they feel should’ve been done three and a half years ago.”“A lot of it was the Brexit vote. It’s not that they liked Johnson in any way shape or form. They thought he was a bumbling idiot. But it was about getting something done that they feel should’ve been done three and a half years ago.”
The second factor is about local political power, or the lack of it. Public spending power in Britain is largely concentrated in two neighbouring terraced homes on a street in Westminster, No 10 and No 11, rather than in any post-industrial town. It has left people in smaller towns across Britain feeling as though decisions that affect their lives are somehow a very remote activity, over which they have little influence.The second factor is about local political power, or the lack of it. Public spending power in Britain is largely concentrated in two neighbouring terraced homes on a street in Westminster, No 10 and No 11, rather than in any post-industrial town. It has left people in smaller towns across Britain feeling as though decisions that affect their lives are somehow a very remote activity, over which they have little influence.
According to the IPPR thinktank, as much as 95p in every £1 paid in tax is taken by central government, compared to just 69p in Germany. Just 1% of Britain’s national income is spent by local government on economic affairs, half that spent locally and regionally in France or Germany.According to the IPPR thinktank, as much as 95p in every £1 paid in tax is taken by central government, compared to just 69p in Germany. Just 1% of Britain’s national income is spent by local government on economic affairs, half that spent locally and regionally in France or Germany.
Leigh is governed by the Labour-led Wigan council. The local council is relatively popular in Wigan itself – a handful of miles up the road - responding to central government cuts with “the deal,” a big society vision of community groups and charities stepping into the void. But Leigh’s people will tell you they’ve seen nothing and had nothing from the Labour-led council. They feel ignored by the council, while the high street is dead, homelessness has risen, the transport is appalling, and it’s all Labour’s fault.Leigh is governed by the Labour-led Wigan council. The local council is relatively popular in Wigan itself – a handful of miles up the road - responding to central government cuts with “the deal,” a big society vision of community groups and charities stepping into the void. But Leigh’s people will tell you they’ve seen nothing and had nothing from the Labour-led council. They feel ignored by the council, while the high street is dead, homelessness has risen, the transport is appalling, and it’s all Labour’s fault.
Platt says she took much of the flack on the doorstep. The council has always been Labour and so has the MP, and so it seemed to voters like their problem.Platt says she took much of the flack on the doorstep. The council has always been Labour and so has the MP, and so it seemed to voters like their problem.
“I’m the face of Labour in Leigh,” Platt says, adding: “I was getting blamed for the bins and the potholes. We’re seeing more homeless on streets; fly tipping up and bin collection down.” “I’m the face of Labour in Leigh,” Platt says, adding: “I was getting blamed for the bins and the potholes. We’re seeing more homeless on streets; fly-tipping up and bin collection down.”
Grundy ran a hyperlocal campaign. Promises to extend the Atherleigh Way bypass, stop extensive building on the greenbelt and reopening a train station in one of the biggest towns in Britain without a rail link, from a local lad were hugely popular.Grundy ran a hyperlocal campaign. Promises to extend the Atherleigh Way bypass, stop extensive building on the greenbelt and reopening a train station in one of the biggest towns in Britain without a rail link, from a local lad were hugely popular.
It was Grundy’s party and not Platt’s that has had a bigger impact in the area, despite never holding power locally.It was Grundy’s party and not Platt’s that has had a bigger impact in the area, despite never holding power locally.
Over the past decade of austerity, Labour councils in the north of England have been hit much harder than their leafy Conservative equivalents in the south. In Wigan, the amount spent by the council has been slashed by 43% after inflation, compared with an average of 24% nationally, according to a Cambridge university study.Over the past decade of austerity, Labour councils in the north of England have been hit much harder than their leafy Conservative equivalents in the south. In Wigan, the amount spent by the council has been slashed by 43% after inflation, compared with an average of 24% nationally, according to a Cambridge university study.
The cuts handed down from Westminster were the biggest in Wigan’s history, were the third worst for any local authority in the country, and reduced its budget over a decade by £160m.The cuts handed down from Westminster were the biggest in Wigan’s history, were the third worst for any local authority in the country, and reduced its budget over a decade by £160m.
Boris Johnson knows he cannot continue down the path of his own party, and has turned on the spending taps as a consequence. This is popular and vital. But the prime minister cannot simply mend the problems of his own party’s making by splashing money around.Boris Johnson knows he cannot continue down the path of his own party, and has turned on the spending taps as a consequence. This is popular and vital. But the prime minister cannot simply mend the problems of his own party’s making by splashing money around.
None of his ideas appear to be in any way connected to individual places. And the concern is that pots of funding controlled in Westminster will result in bidding fests across smaller towns, where everyone competes against everyone else. The plans with the most publicity bang for Johnson’s buck will win, rather than the most in need.None of his ideas appear to be in any way connected to individual places. And the concern is that pots of funding controlled in Westminster will result in bidding fests across smaller towns, where everyone competes against everyone else. The plans with the most publicity bang for Johnson’s buck will win, rather than the most in need.
In reality, interventions that can make the economies of towns work better are of fundamental importance. Central government ought though play a minimal role, handing spending decisions to local areas.In reality, interventions that can make the economies of towns work better are of fundamental importance. Central government ought though play a minimal role, handing spending decisions to local areas.
In winning the election in places like Leigh, the Tories have a blank sheet of paper to come up with some new ideas about how to best help their new, traditional working class constituents. Throwing money at the old red wall might sound like a good idea, but if Johnson wants to make it stick, he ought to hand control of the cash to local people. In winning the election in places like Leigh, the Tories have a blank sheet of paper to come up with some new ideas about how to best help their new, traditional working-class constituents. Throwing money at the old red wall might sound like a good idea, but if Johnson wants to make it stick, he ought to hand control of the cash to local people.