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| When the Rights Revolution Runs Into Political Trouble | When the Rights Revolution Runs Into Political Trouble |
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| If you’re a Democratic strategist, what do you do to reconcile the moral power of your party’s arguments about the inherent dignity and civil rights of every American with the reality of an electorate that has not caught up with where the party has gone and is slightly — or more than slightly — adverse to it? How do you decide whether what is right is also what is wise? | If you’re a Democratic strategist, what do you do to reconcile the moral power of your party’s arguments about the inherent dignity and civil rights of every American with the reality of an electorate that has not caught up with where the party has gone and is slightly — or more than slightly — adverse to it? How do you decide whether what is right is also what is wise? |
| As recently as 2004, proposed state constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage, particularly one in Ohio, may have cost the Democrats the presidency, so how do you handle President Trump’s calculated assault on transgender rights? You can’t tell people “oh just wait for your rights, they’ll be coming soon” — that has never worked for anyone — so I decided to ask philosophers, ethicists, transgender activists and others how the party should respond to Trump’s provocations. | As recently as 2004, proposed state constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage, particularly one in Ohio, may have cost the Democrats the presidency, so how do you handle President Trump’s calculated assault on transgender rights? You can’t tell people “oh just wait for your rights, they’ll be coming soon” — that has never worked for anyone — so I decided to ask philosophers, ethicists, transgender activists and others how the party should respond to Trump’s provocations. |
| The issues of political strategy raised by the transgender rights movement have split liberals into two camps, one urging caution against moving too far in front of public opinion, the other calling for all out support of transgender men and women. | The issues of political strategy raised by the transgender rights movement have split liberals into two camps, one urging caution against moving too far in front of public opinion, the other calling for all out support of transgender men and women. |
| On one side are Democrats for whom the first priority is a strategy to defeat Donald Trump in November and who see some policies sought by transgender rights activists as potentially alienating the moderate voters they believe are necessary to a Democratic victory. | On one side are Democrats for whom the first priority is a strategy to defeat Donald Trump in November and who see some policies sought by transgender rights activists as potentially alienating the moderate voters they believe are necessary to a Democratic victory. |
| On the other side are those who are equally hungry to see the president defeated but who hold a deep allegiance to the ethical and moral principles of freedom and equality, including for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender community. Without these principles, they believe, the Democratic Party will not only lose votes, but also its core reason for being. | On the other side are those who are equally hungry to see the president defeated but who hold a deep allegiance to the ethical and moral principles of freedom and equality, including for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender community. Without these principles, they believe, the Democratic Party will not only lose votes, but also its core reason for being. |
| President Trump, ever the opportunist, has been aggressively moving since his inauguration to attack the rights of transgender men and women — seeing a hot button or third rail issue he thinks he can deploy to his advantage as he attempts to carve up the Democratic opposition. | President Trump, ever the opportunist, has been aggressively moving since his inauguration to attack the rights of transgender men and women — seeing a hot button or third rail issue he thinks he can deploy to his advantage as he attempts to carve up the Democratic opposition. |
| I asked scholars who specialize in the study of moral dilemmas about the ethical and strategic choices Trump’s current offensive against transgender rights forces on the liberal coalition. There is evidence that the Democratic response to Trump’s onslaught is split. | I asked scholars who specialize in the study of moral dilemmas about the ethical and strategic choices Trump’s current offensive against transgender rights forces on the liberal coalition. There is evidence that the Democratic response to Trump’s onslaught is split. |
| Peter Singer, a professor of bioethics at the Centre for Human Values at Princeton, has been described as “arguably the most famous and influential modern philosopher.” He is unequivocally committed to a liberal worldview. | Peter Singer, a professor of bioethics at the Centre for Human Values at Princeton, has been described as “arguably the most famous and influential modern philosopher.” He is unequivocally committed to a liberal worldview. |
| “The failure of people in the rich nations to make any significant sacrifices in order to assist people who are dying from poverty-related causes is ethically indefensible,” he wrote in “Achieving the Best Outcome,” a 2002 essay: | “The failure of people in the rich nations to make any significant sacrifices in order to assist people who are dying from poverty-related causes is ethically indefensible,” he wrote in “Achieving the Best Outcome,” a 2002 essay: |
| It is not simply the absence of charity, let alone of moral saintliness: It is wrong, and one cannot claim to be a morally decent person unless one is doing far more than the typical comfortably-off person does. | It is not simply the absence of charity, let alone of moral saintliness: It is wrong, and one cannot claim to be a morally decent person unless one is doing far more than the typical comfortably-off person does. |
| Singer is specifically sympathetic to the difficulties facing transgender men and women, writing in 2012 “People who cross gender boundaries suffer clear discrimination.” | Singer is specifically sympathetic to the difficulties facing transgender men and women, writing in 2012 “People who cross gender boundaries suffer clear discrimination.” |
| Weighing the tactical options facing Democrats, Singer was, nonetheless, forceful in his response to my emailed inquiry: | Weighing the tactical options facing Democrats, Singer was, nonetheless, forceful in his response to my emailed inquiry: |
| As a consequentialist, I don’t believe that the party is obligated to support discriminated against groups regardless of the consequences. After all, the re-election of Trump, and Republican control of Congress, would be a greater disaster than the rejection of the legitimate claims of transgender people to express themselves as they wish. | As a consequentialist, I don’t believe that the party is obligated to support discriminated against groups regardless of the consequences. After all, the re-election of Trump, and Republican control of Congress, would be a greater disaster than the rejection of the legitimate claims of transgender people to express themselves as they wish. |
| Most importantly, Singer continued, the re-election of Trump | Most importantly, Singer continued, the re-election of Trump |
| would mean another four years in which the U.S. does little or nothing to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions, which makes it difficult for other leaders to take the strong stand that is needed, and that could bring about changes that are catastrophic for hundreds of millions or even billions of people. | would mean another four years in which the U.S. does little or nothing to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions, which makes it difficult for other leaders to take the strong stand that is needed, and that could bring about changes that are catastrophic for hundreds of millions or even billions of people. |
| The harm that a second Trump term would produce, Singer argued, “puts the transgender issues you mention in perspective. We may believe that people should be able to use whichever bathroom they choose, but standing up for that isn’t sufficient reason to risk the future of our planet,” not to mention “the many other ways” that a “Trump/Republican victory would be bad.” | The harm that a second Trump term would produce, Singer argued, “puts the transgender issues you mention in perspective. We may believe that people should be able to use whichever bathroom they choose, but standing up for that isn’t sufficient reason to risk the future of our planet,” not to mention “the many other ways” that a “Trump/Republican victory would be bad.” |
| Taking a different position, Amie L. Thomasson, professor of intellectual and moral philosophy at Dartmouth, wrote by email: | Taking a different position, Amie L. Thomasson, professor of intellectual and moral philosophy at Dartmouth, wrote by email: |
| I think that however much Democrats may want to win, we must not lose sight of our moral compass — especially in times like this. The commitment to protecting the rights, equality, and well-being of everyone — not just those with power, wealth, or privilege — is absolutely central. | I think that however much Democrats may want to win, we must not lose sight of our moral compass — especially in times like this. The commitment to protecting the rights, equality, and well-being of everyone — not just those with power, wealth, or privilege — is absolutely central. |
| This commitment is not subject to compromise: the Democratic Party, Thomasson argued, | This commitment is not subject to compromise: the Democratic Party, Thomasson argued, |
| would lose its soul to lose those commitments. What we need most in this country is an honest moral conversation — and that means not replacing moral considerations with strategic calculations, or burying them to meet short-term goals. | would lose its soul to lose those commitments. What we need most in this country is an honest moral conversation — and that means not replacing moral considerations with strategic calculations, or burying them to meet short-term goals. |
| Moral commitments, Thomasson continued, | Moral commitments, Thomasson continued, |
| are not things that should be sacrificed in hopes of avoiding right-wing attacks, or hoping to maximize a calculation of expected votes. It does, of course, leave Democrats with a job to do, of making clear that it is moral rights, human rights that are at stake here; of making clear why recognizing transgender rights is not a threat; and of working through the details of policy proposals regarding the impact on health care, etc. | are not things that should be sacrificed in hopes of avoiding right-wing attacks, or hoping to maximize a calculation of expected votes. It does, of course, leave Democrats with a job to do, of making clear that it is moral rights, human rights that are at stake here; of making clear why recognizing transgender rights is not a threat; and of working through the details of policy proposals regarding the impact on health care, etc. |
| In fact, Mara Keisling, the executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, does not expect Democratic presidential candidates to support every priority set by her organization. | In fact, Mara Keisling, the executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, does not expect Democratic presidential candidates to support every priority set by her organization. |
| In a phone interview, Keisling said that her organization’s first priority is that the candidates “show they are compassionate people who care about marginalized people.” | In a phone interview, Keisling said that her organization’s first priority is that the candidates “show they are compassionate people who care about marginalized people.” |
| She said that if a Democrat wins the presidency, “we will have a policy agenda of maybe 200 items,” but her group would not expect full support on every one of them. | She said that if a Democrat wins the presidency, “we will have a policy agenda of maybe 200 items,” but her group would not expect full support on every one of them. |
| The center has been interviewing Democratic candidates and so far all of them have shown that “they think about trans people in a compassionate way. That’s a lot,” she said, and a sharp contrast to Trump. | The center has been interviewing Democratic candidates and so far all of them have shown that “they think about trans people in a compassionate way. That’s a lot,” she said, and a sharp contrast to Trump. |
| I asked Grace Lavery, a professor of English at Berkeley — who describes her work in trans-feminist studies as “focused on the belief that transition works; that it is truly possible to change sex” — a series of questions, including: “How do you think Democrats should deal with some of the more complex issues raised by the transgender rights movement?” | I asked Grace Lavery, a professor of English at Berkeley — who describes her work in trans-feminist studies as “focused on the belief that transition works; that it is truly possible to change sex” — a series of questions, including: “How do you think Democrats should deal with some of the more complex issues raised by the transgender rights movement?” |
| She replied: | She replied: |
| The same way that anyone else should: by discussing them openly, and ensuring that trans people’s accounts of our own experiences are being heard. | The same way that anyone else should: by discussing them openly, and ensuring that trans people’s accounts of our own experiences are being heard. |
| Trans people, Lavery continued, | Trans people, Lavery continued, |
| need access to health care, we need equitable treatment by a criminal justice system, and we need equal protection under existing civil rights/Title IX legislation. Given which, we don’t tend to care what cis people think about what transness means. | need access to health care, we need equitable treatment by a criminal justice system, and we need equal protection under existing civil rights/Title IX legislation. Given which, we don’t tend to care what cis people think about what transness means. |
| The basic issue, Lavery argued, | The basic issue, Lavery argued, |
| is about safeguarding the civil rights of a minority of people, at a moment in history when we are being singled out for prejudicial treatment. There are no real policy issues to address other than prejudice and squeamishness. | is about safeguarding the civil rights of a minority of people, at a moment in history when we are being singled out for prejudicial treatment. There are no real policy issues to address other than prejudice and squeamishness. |
| Robin Dembroff, a professor of philosophy at Yale who prefers the pronouns they/them, wrote me that Democratic candidates should treat “the Trump campaign’s focus on transgender issues” as a “divisive tool for stoking fear, distracting from economic, health care, and climate issues, and dismantling already tenuous women’s rights.” | Robin Dembroff, a professor of philosophy at Yale who prefers the pronouns they/them, wrote me that Democratic candidates should treat “the Trump campaign’s focus on transgender issues” as a “divisive tool for stoking fear, distracting from economic, health care, and climate issues, and dismantling already tenuous women’s rights.” |
| Dembroff argued that “recent threats to reproductive rights, LGBTQ workplace protections, and transgender health care and facility access within the U.S. are part of this global movement to maintain the gendered status quo.” | Dembroff argued that “recent threats to reproductive rights, LGBTQ workplace protections, and transgender health care and facility access within the U.S. are part of this global movement to maintain the gendered status quo.” |
| Trump has clearly calculated that opposition to transgender rights will win him more votes than it will lose him, and he has translated that decision into action throughout the executive branch, rescinding a wide range of pro-transgender regulations, while issuing harsh new ones. While some of his decisions have been temporarily blocked by the courts, his intentions are clear. | Trump has clearly calculated that opposition to transgender rights will win him more votes than it will lose him, and he has translated that decision into action throughout the executive branch, rescinding a wide range of pro-transgender regulations, while issuing harsh new ones. While some of his decisions have been temporarily blocked by the courts, his intentions are clear. |
| Trump has barred transgender individuals from serving in the military. He has withdrawn an Obama administration regulation granting transgender students the right to use bathrooms corresponding to their gender identity. He has expanded a “conscience rule” that protects doctors and other health care workers who, on religious grounds, decline to provide care and who refuse to refer patients to personnel who will provide it. The administration has also proposed the elimination of Obama-era rules banning discrimination against transgender medical patients by eliminating provisions that define discrimination “on the basis of sex” to include gender identity. | Trump has barred transgender individuals from serving in the military. He has withdrawn an Obama administration regulation granting transgender students the right to use bathrooms corresponding to their gender identity. He has expanded a “conscience rule” that protects doctors and other health care workers who, on religious grounds, decline to provide care and who refuse to refer patients to personnel who will provide it. The administration has also proposed the elimination of Obama-era rules banning discrimination against transgender medical patients by eliminating provisions that define discrimination “on the basis of sex” to include gender identity. |
| For over five decades, starting with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Democratic Party has assumed the broad role of political home to the rights revolution for African-Americans, Latinos, women, gays and, now, transgender men and women. | For over five decades, starting with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Democratic Party has assumed the broad role of political home to the rights revolution for African-Americans, Latinos, women, gays and, now, transgender men and women. |
| The general election will test whether the Democratic nominee is willing — in the face of Trump’s inflammatory forays against transgender rights — to bear the potential costs of fighting for private health care coverage of gender transition surgery, including for those in the armed services, in prison, or on Medicaid; participation in women’s athletic competition for transgender women; and nondiscriminatory access to public facilities, including bathrooms in schools, libraries and public spaces. | The general election will test whether the Democratic nominee is willing — in the face of Trump’s inflammatory forays against transgender rights — to bear the potential costs of fighting for private health care coverage of gender transition surgery, including for those in the armed services, in prison, or on Medicaid; participation in women’s athletic competition for transgender women; and nondiscriminatory access to public facilities, including bathrooms in schools, libraries and public spaces. |
| For David Leege, a professor emeritus of political science at Notre Dame, the issue of transgender rights now poses a possibly insoluble dilemma for Democrats — something Trump fully intends to exploit. | For David Leege, a professor emeritus of political science at Notre Dame, the issue of transgender rights now poses a possibly insoluble dilemma for Democrats — something Trump fully intends to exploit. |
| Leege wrote me: | Leege wrote me: |
| I think it is an area whose discourse is so new that a politically feasible solution has not yet presented itself. If we can’t yet deal with toilets, where the answers are simple — unisex toilet compartments with locks on doors — how can we deal with large public financial outlays for sex-change surgery? | I think it is an area whose discourse is so new that a politically feasible solution has not yet presented itself. If we can’t yet deal with toilets, where the answers are simple — unisex toilet compartments with locks on doors — how can we deal with large public financial outlays for sex-change surgery? |
| Leege said he can foresee “politicians’ appeals to relative deprivation. ‘We’re going to spend taxpayers’ dollars for their sex-change surgeries when there is not enough to pay for my cancer drugs’. ” | Leege said he can foresee “politicians’ appeals to relative deprivation. ‘We’re going to spend taxpayers’ dollars for their sex-change surgeries when there is not enough to pay for my cancer drugs’. ” |
| As an example of the complexities of transgender rights, Leege cited the questions raised by the issue of whether transgender women should be able to enter women’s sports competitions: | As an example of the complexities of transgender rights, Leege cited the questions raised by the issue of whether transgender women should be able to enter women’s sports competitions: |
| Should she be forced to compete with men in running events or basketball rather than against women? What is fair to other women? To the transgender woman? Are rights in conflict? Is kindness violated? We don’t walk around with labels specifying levels of male and female hormones. And we have thought of gender in binary terms for so long that it is hard to think that hormones could resemble bell-shaped curves. | Should she be forced to compete with men in running events or basketball rather than against women? What is fair to other women? To the transgender woman? Are rights in conflict? Is kindness violated? We don’t walk around with labels specifying levels of male and female hormones. And we have thought of gender in binary terms for so long that it is hard to think that hormones could resemble bell-shaped curves. |
| There are clear philosophical differences over Democrats’ obligations to the transgender community. These differences translate, in turn, to sharply dissimilar strategies for how Democrats should address transgender issues. | There are clear philosophical differences over Democrats’ obligations to the transgender community. These differences translate, in turn, to sharply dissimilar strategies for how Democrats should address transgender issues. |
| Bruce Cain, a political scientist at Stanford, worries that Democrats risk not only mobilizing Trump supporters, but also losing votes from their own constituents. “Transgender rights,” Cain writes, “could indeed become a powerful wedge issue for President Trump, especially if the Democrats across the board take the strongest pro-transgender rights stances.” | Bruce Cain, a political scientist at Stanford, worries that Democrats risk not only mobilizing Trump supporters, but also losing votes from their own constituents. “Transgender rights,” Cain writes, “could indeed become a powerful wedge issue for President Trump, especially if the Democrats across the board take the strongest pro-transgender rights stances.” |
| Cain noted that stands in favor of “using public money to pay for sexual transition or allowing transgender access to public facilities will certainly fire up the conservative, Republican base,” but, he continued, “I would worry especially about the reaction in the black and Latino communities and among older moderate whites.” | Cain noted that stands in favor of “using public money to pay for sexual transition or allowing transgender access to public facilities will certainly fire up the conservative, Republican base,” but, he continued, “I would worry especially about the reaction in the black and Latino communities and among older moderate whites.” |
| The key to the 2020 election, in Cain’s view, “is winning back states behind the blue wall and the swing states, keeping the focus on Trump and away from bolder issues that might lose votes in the swing areas.” | The key to the 2020 election, in Cain’s view, “is winning back states behind the blue wall and the swing states, keeping the focus on Trump and away from bolder issues that might lose votes in the swing areas.” |
| In contrast to Cain, Seana Shiffrin, a professor of philosophy, law and social justice at U.C.L.A., argued that | In contrast to Cain, Seana Shiffrin, a professor of philosophy, law and social justice at U.C.L.A., argued that |
| the Democrats should take a matter of fact approach about these issues, with the tone that they are pretty straightforward. They shouldn’t hand-wring or talk about it as “a difficult matter,” | the Democrats should take a matter of fact approach about these issues, with the tone that they are pretty straightforward. They shouldn’t hand-wring or talk about it as “a difficult matter,” |
| In Shiffrin’s view, “showing strength and conviction here is also a strategic approach.” | In Shiffrin’s view, “showing strength and conviction here is also a strategic approach.” |
| She provided more specific examples of how Democrats could frame transgender issues: | She provided more specific examples of how Democrats could frame transgender issues: |
| Democrats are in favor of health care for all and so they are in favor of what transgender people require to function and flourish, just as they are in favor of the health care that any other member of society needs to function and flourish. We all have different health needs. Some of the health needs of transgender people have been neglected and the costs they have suffered as a result are rather shocking. | Democrats are in favor of health care for all and so they are in favor of what transgender people require to function and flourish, just as they are in favor of the health care that any other member of society needs to function and flourish. We all have different health needs. Some of the health needs of transgender people have been neglected and the costs they have suffered as a result are rather shocking. |
| In the case of bathrooms, Shiffrin argued that the issue should be placed in the larger context of protecting people from violence: | In the case of bathrooms, Shiffrin argued that the issue should be placed in the larger context of protecting people from violence: |
| The people in true danger of violence in restrooms are transgender people who do not conform to gender expectations. Forcing transgender women to use men’s rooms will subject them to potential violence. Ergo, we should allow people to choose the restroom that best fits their identity and comfort levels. | The people in true danger of violence in restrooms are transgender people who do not conform to gender expectations. Forcing transgender women to use men’s rooms will subject them to potential violence. Ergo, we should allow people to choose the restroom that best fits their identity and comfort levels. |
| Nancy Bauer, a professor of philosophy and a dean of academic affairs for Arts and Sciences at Tufts, argues in favor of orienting strategy toward younger voters: | Nancy Bauer, a professor of philosophy and a dean of academic affairs for Arts and Sciences at Tufts, argues in favor of orienting strategy toward younger voters: |
| My view is that the only way that Democrats can win is if they embrace progressivism, not just because it’s on the side of justice, equality, fairness, compassion, and decency, but also because it’s the only political strategy that will bring younger voters to the polls in significant numbers. I think that Trump is monstrous and deeply fear his re-election. But the best way to get rid of him is to build coalitions of decent people and get out the vote. | My view is that the only way that Democrats can win is if they embrace progressivism, not just because it’s on the side of justice, equality, fairness, compassion, and decency, but also because it’s the only political strategy that will bring younger voters to the polls in significant numbers. I think that Trump is monstrous and deeply fear his re-election. But the best way to get rid of him is to build coalitions of decent people and get out the vote. |
| Judith Butler, a professor of comparative literature at Berkeley whose books include “Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity,” made a straightforward case for full support of transgender policy priorities: | Judith Butler, a professor of comparative literature at Berkeley whose books include “Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity,” made a straightforward case for full support of transgender policy priorities: |
| We are seeking to win the election in order to restore faith in democracy, which includes a commitment to equality and freedom. We do not seek to win for the sake of winning, but in order to preserve principles such as equality embodied in civil rights protections. The right to health care and to social recognition and protection from discrimination should be regarded as the fundamental rights of trans people in society. If we deny those rights, including the right to have access to medical care, we deny those rights and treat trans people differently from other minorities under the law. | |
| William Galston, a senior fellow at Brookings and former deputy assistant to President Bill Clinton for domestic policy, makes a different argument, in favor of more incremental change: | William Galston, a senior fellow at Brookings and former deputy assistant to President Bill Clinton for domestic policy, makes a different argument, in favor of more incremental change: |
| The task of decent politicians in a democracy is to move their country as far toward justice and fairness as the current state of public opinion will permit while doing what they can to improve the chances that public opinion will continue to shift in the right direction. This task requires judgment based on a solid understanding of public opinion and of the facts on the ground. | The task of decent politicians in a democracy is to move their country as far toward justice and fairness as the current state of public opinion will permit while doing what they can to improve the chances that public opinion will continue to shift in the right direction. This task requires judgment based on a solid understanding of public opinion and of the facts on the ground. |
| This is not an easy task, especially for a political party that supports challenges to the traditional hierarchy. | This is not an easy task, especially for a political party that supports challenges to the traditional hierarchy. |
| Galston went on: | Galston went on: |
| As an elected official or aspirant for elective office, there is nothing dishonorable about defining one’s policy aspirations at any given point in response to what the public is prepared to endorse or at least permit at that time. The higher the stakes in the election, the more defensible this practice becomes. If, as many people believe, the 2020 election implicates not only policy disputes but also the future of liberal constitutional democracy in the United States, then it would be justified to subordinate any policy issue to the overriding goal of protecting our constitutional order. | As an elected official or aspirant for elective office, there is nothing dishonorable about defining one’s policy aspirations at any given point in response to what the public is prepared to endorse or at least permit at that time. The higher the stakes in the election, the more defensible this practice becomes. If, as many people believe, the 2020 election implicates not only policy disputes but also the future of liberal constitutional democracy in the United States, then it would be justified to subordinate any policy issue to the overriding goal of protecting our constitutional order. |
| Transgender rights pose a classic push-pull problem for the contemporary Democratic Party: in supporting the expansion of rights to previously discriminated-against constituencies, how far ahead of public opinion should the party go? | Transgender rights pose a classic push-pull problem for the contemporary Democratic Party: in supporting the expansion of rights to previously discriminated-against constituencies, how far ahead of public opinion should the party go? |
| The difficulty is only made more challenging by the fact that the pressure in primaries is to move to the left while the pressure in the general election is to move to the center. | The difficulty is only made more challenging by the fact that the pressure in primaries is to move to the left while the pressure in the general election is to move to the center. |
| By a number of measures, the country has become markedly more liberal over the past half century, especially on social and cultural issues — even as the process has been slow, often painstakingly slow, the pace more evolutionary than abrupt — as the public becomes acclimated to change. | By a number of measures, the country has become markedly more liberal over the past half century, especially on social and cultural issues — even as the process has been slow, often painstakingly slow, the pace more evolutionary than abrupt — as the public becomes acclimated to change. |
| Would Democrats be wise to recognize this pace of change as they head into a defining election? Or should they attempt to enlarge their base by embracing an elemental argument about what the party stands for? This is an election in which turnout will be crucial. Can Democrats spur the legions who are focused on the environment, climate change, immigration and women’s rights as well as transgender rights? Can they expand the arenas of concern? The stakes could not be higher. | Would Democrats be wise to recognize this pace of change as they head into a defining election? Or should they attempt to enlarge their base by embracing an elemental argument about what the party stands for? This is an election in which turnout will be crucial. Can Democrats spur the legions who are focused on the environment, climate change, immigration and women’s rights as well as transgender rights? Can they expand the arenas of concern? The stakes could not be higher. |
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