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Yet Another Unsolved Murder Stirs Corsica Against Its ‘Mafia’ Yet Another Unsolved Murder Stirs Corsica Against Its ‘Mafia’
(about 2 hours later)
On a Mediterranean island of jagged beauty, obscure criminal gangs are blamed for everything from overdevelopment to the drug trade. But those who speak out place themselves at risk.On a Mediterranean island of jagged beauty, obscure criminal gangs are blamed for everything from overdevelopment to the drug trade. But those who speak out place themselves at risk.
By Adam NossiterBy Adam Nossiter
CARGÈSE, France — Calmly, the dead man’s father recounted his son’s killing: The assassin with the telescopic sight hid in those scrubby bushes over there, his son opened the kitchen doors to his restaurant here, the fatal bullet struck right here, and Massimu Susini fell on the beach there, 30 feet away, after a last desperate lunge. CARGÈSE, Corsica — Calmly, the dead man’s father recounted his son’s killing: The assassin with the telescopic sight hid in those scrubby bushes over there, his son opened the kitchen doors to his restaurant here, the fatal bullet struck right here, and Massimu Susini fell on the beach there, 30 feet away, after a last desperate lunge.
It was yet another murder by the sparkling sea in Corsica, France’s homicide capital, where rarely resolved shootings have long settled disputes in isolated villages cut off by the looming mountains of this Mediterranean island.It was yet another murder by the sparkling sea in Corsica, France’s homicide capital, where rarely resolved shootings have long settled disputes in isolated villages cut off by the looming mountains of this Mediterranean island.
François Susini, the young man’s father, already knew the script. He had even heard the shots that morning. The presumed getaway car was later found incinerated, as so often in the past, on the nearby coast road.François Susini, the young man’s father, already knew the script. He had even heard the shots that morning. The presumed getaway car was later found incinerated, as so often in the past, on the nearby coast road.
Yet the mid-September killing of Mr. Susini — a 36-year-old environmental activist, militant nationalist, soccer and boxing champion, and popular restaurateur — was not quite like the many others that preceded it.Yet the mid-September killing of Mr. Susini — a 36-year-old environmental activist, militant nationalist, soccer and boxing champion, and popular restaurateur — was not quite like the many others that preceded it.
Mr. Susini’s death has set off an unusual wave of protest in Corsica. Two citizens groups have formed to denounce the organized crime forces suspected to be at its origin — a nebulous entity held responsible for everything from the drug trade to real estate speculation to extortion of restaurateurs.Mr. Susini’s death has set off an unusual wave of protest in Corsica. Two citizens groups have formed to denounce the organized crime forces suspected to be at its origin — a nebulous entity held responsible for everything from the drug trade to real estate speculation to extortion of restaurateurs.
In a place heavily dependent on visitors entranced by the island’s jagged beauty, those who speak out against coastal development, building without permits, or the local drug trade, as Mr. Susini did, are at risk from forces seemingly omnipresent yet obscure who have terrorized Corsicans into a conspiracy of silence.In a place heavily dependent on visitors entranced by the island’s jagged beauty, those who speak out against coastal development, building without permits, or the local drug trade, as Mr. Susini did, are at risk from forces seemingly omnipresent yet obscure who have terrorized Corsicans into a conspiracy of silence.
“There are people here who know, but who don’t want to say,” said François Susini, pausing on the beach where his son’s admirers had planted a Moor’s-head Corsican flag at the spot where the young man fell. “I don’t have the answer. And maybe I’m not telling you everything.”“There are people here who know, but who don’t want to say,” said François Susini, pausing on the beach where his son’s admirers had planted a Moor’s-head Corsican flag at the spot where the young man fell. “I don’t have the answer. And maybe I’m not telling you everything.”
Nobody can precisely define this criminal racket with names, goals or structure — not the prosecutors charged with solving Mr. Susini’s murder, the citizens outraged by it or the family members bent on justice.Nobody can precisely define this criminal racket with names, goals or structure — not the prosecutors charged with solving Mr. Susini’s murder, the citizens outraged by it or the family members bent on justice.
The rarity of trials makes the organized crime phenomenon all the more ambiguous. The word “mafia” is used freely, but nobody maintains that Corsica is in the grip of an Italian-style centralized structure of organized crime.The rarity of trials makes the organized crime phenomenon all the more ambiguous. The word “mafia” is used freely, but nobody maintains that Corsica is in the grip of an Italian-style centralized structure of organized crime.
Instead, prosecutors say, local gangs and crime bosses have infiltrated government in many parts of the island — four mayors have been killed in 20 years, as have the head of the bar association, the head of Ajaccio’s chamber of commerce and other businessmen. Often, criminals operate under a facade of respectability that makes detection all the more difficult.Instead, prosecutors say, local gangs and crime bosses have infiltrated government in many parts of the island — four mayors have been killed in 20 years, as have the head of the bar association, the head of Ajaccio’s chamber of commerce and other businessmen. Often, criminals operate under a facade of respectability that makes detection all the more difficult.
Yet many are convinced that the sniper’s killing of Mr. Susini at his beachfront restaurant on the morning of Sept. 12 represents a tipping point.Yet many are convinced that the sniper’s killing of Mr. Susini at his beachfront restaurant on the morning of Sept. 12 represents a tipping point.
Mr. Susini’s funeral drew several thousand, on an island with a population of only 330,000. At a recent memorial service in Cargèse, women in black discreetly brushed away tears in a pastel seaside church, as mourners chanted in the richly painted interior.Mr. Susini’s funeral drew several thousand, on an island with a population of only 330,000. At a recent memorial service in Cargèse, women in black discreetly brushed away tears in a pastel seaside church, as mourners chanted in the richly painted interior.
And up and down the winding coast road from Ajaccio, the co-capital with Bastia, supporters have scrawled “To Massimu” on hillside rocks.And up and down the winding coast road from Ajaccio, the co-capital with Bastia, supporters have scrawled “To Massimu” on hillside rocks.
The nationalist politicians who lead Corsica have vowed to hold a special session on violence in the Corsican Assembly at Ajaccio, and the island’s prosecutors, imported from the French mainland, are under pressure to solve the case.The nationalist politicians who lead Corsica have vowed to hold a special session on violence in the Corsican Assembly at Ajaccio, and the island’s prosecutors, imported from the French mainland, are under pressure to solve the case.
“I understand this grief,” said the island’s chief prosecutor, Franck Rastoul, in an interview at the colonnaded 19th-century courthouse in Bastia, watched over by a marble bust of Corsica’s most famous son, Napoleon.“I understand this grief,” said the island’s chief prosecutor, Franck Rastoul, in an interview at the colonnaded 19th-century courthouse in Bastia, watched over by a marble bust of Corsica’s most famous son, Napoleon.
“Corsica continues to confront the phenomenon of organized crime,” Mr. Rastoul said. He lives with two bodyguards. His predecessors have been targets.“Corsica continues to confront the phenomenon of organized crime,” Mr. Rastoul said. He lives with two bodyguards. His predecessors have been targets.
Mr. Susini wasn’t a usual victim.Mr. Susini wasn’t a usual victim.
“This was somebody who worked hard,” said his uncle Jean-Toussaint Plasenzotti. “Many people knew him. He had a strong personality, and he was physically courageous.”“This was somebody who worked hard,” said his uncle Jean-Toussaint Plasenzotti. “Many people knew him. He had a strong personality, and he was physically courageous.”
The usual Corsican reaction — that the dead man somehow deserved it — has been absent.The usual Corsican reaction — that the dead man somehow deserved it — has been absent.
“He was tough,” his uncle said. “He knew that there were people who wanted to kill him, but he refused to arm himself.”“He was tough,” his uncle said. “He knew that there were people who wanted to kill him, but he refused to arm himself.”
Pierre-Jean Franceschi, a church deacon, has presided over dozens of Corsican funerals following violent deaths. He agreed that Mr. Susini “wasn’t someone who seemed destined to die that way.”Pierre-Jean Franceschi, a church deacon, has presided over dozens of Corsican funerals following violent deaths. He agreed that Mr. Susini “wasn’t someone who seemed destined to die that way.”
Yet, he conceded, “This is part of our history.”Yet, he conceded, “This is part of our history.”
“I always think, ‘It’s in the past,’” he added, “but unhappily, no.”“I always think, ‘It’s in the past,’” he added, “but unhappily, no.”
There is little faith in the justice system of the French, still regarded as colonizers after more than 200 years of mainland rule.There is little faith in the justice system of the French, still regarded as colonizers after more than 200 years of mainland rule.
“As for myself, I’m in favor of vengeance,” said Alphonse Gaffory, a mourner who grew up with Mr. Susini and came to his memorial service at Cargèse.“As for myself, I’m in favor of vengeance,” said Alphonse Gaffory, a mourner who grew up with Mr. Susini and came to his memorial service at Cargèse.
“Ha! The justice system! I don’t believe in it for one second!” Mr. Gaffory exclaimed.“Ha! The justice system! I don’t believe in it for one second!” Mr. Gaffory exclaimed.
Outside the little church with the square bell tower, young men in black wearing dark sunglasses looked down and said they didn’t speak to journalists.Outside the little church with the square bell tower, young men in black wearing dark sunglasses looked down and said they didn’t speak to journalists.
The two citizens groups have vowed that Mr. Susini’s death, unlike so many others, will not be forgotten.The two citizens groups have vowed that Mr. Susini’s death, unlike so many others, will not be forgotten.
Two weeks after Mr. Susini was gunned down, 20 of the island’s leading personalities from culture and business, including the novelist Jerôme Ferrari, a winner of a Goncourt prize, wrote a public appeal headlined: “No to the Mafia, Yes to Life!”Two weeks after Mr. Susini was gunned down, 20 of the island’s leading personalities from culture and business, including the novelist Jerôme Ferrari, a winner of a Goncourt prize, wrote a public appeal headlined: “No to the Mafia, Yes to Life!”
“Corsica is in the grip of a mafia-like stranglehold unprecedented in its history,” the group wrote, calling for public support and a fight against what it called “mafia-like lobbies.”“Corsica is in the grip of a mafia-like stranglehold unprecedented in its history,” the group wrote, calling for public support and a fight against what it called “mafia-like lobbies.”
At Corte in the mountainous interior, seat of the 1755 uprising that briefly gave Corsica independence, 800 people responded to the appeal of their nationalist politicians to discuss a way forward after the murder.At Corte in the mountainous interior, seat of the 1755 uprising that briefly gave Corsica independence, 800 people responded to the appeal of their nationalist politicians to discuss a way forward after the murder.
“I don’t want to live in a Corsica where everyone is afraid to say what he thinks,” Prescillia Gheraldi, a student activist, said at an impassioned follow-up meeting in Corte.“I don’t want to live in a Corsica where everyone is afraid to say what he thinks,” Prescillia Gheraldi, a student activist, said at an impassioned follow-up meeting in Corte.
“These initiatives are welcome, because they express the will of the citizens over a disturbing situation,” said Gilles Simeoni, the nationalist lawyer who heads Corsica’s executive council. “For years there have been mafia-like pressures, and in the last few months it’s gotten worse — arson, murder. All of it creates a situation that we’ve got to face up to.”“These initiatives are welcome, because they express the will of the citizens over a disturbing situation,” said Gilles Simeoni, the nationalist lawyer who heads Corsica’s executive council. “For years there have been mafia-like pressures, and in the last few months it’s gotten worse — arson, murder. All of it creates a situation that we’ve got to face up to.”
To some Corsicans, the unexpected weakness of their nationalist politicians once in power — they were elected four years ago, a year after their armed faction laid down arms — has helped fuel the current anxiety.To some Corsicans, the unexpected weakness of their nationalist politicians once in power — they were elected four years ago, a year after their armed faction laid down arms — has helped fuel the current anxiety.
The nationalists were expected to solve the island’s problems, but real decision-making remains firmly in the hands of the highly centralized French government.The nationalists were expected to solve the island’s problems, but real decision-making remains firmly in the hands of the highly centralized French government.
“There’s a sort of disquiet that’s palpable,” said Jean-Louis Fabiani, a Corsican sociologist at the Central European University. “And it’s tied to a sort of disenchantment. The arrival of the nationalists brought hope. The unease of the population is growing.”“There’s a sort of disquiet that’s palpable,” said Jean-Louis Fabiani, a Corsican sociologist at the Central European University. “And it’s tied to a sort of disenchantment. The arrival of the nationalists brought hope. The unease of the population is growing.”
But the French state’s power has its limits on an island with millennial customs that is separated from the mainland by more than the blue Mediterranean.But the French state’s power has its limits on an island with millennial customs that is separated from the mainland by more than the blue Mediterranean.
Mr. Rastoul, the prosecutor in Bastia, spoke of the challenge facing him in ambiguous terms. Even defining it was elusive.Mr. Rastoul, the prosecutor in Bastia, spoke of the challenge facing him in ambiguous terms. Even defining it was elusive.
“In its very essence, the problem of getting to the bottom of score-settling is difficult,” Mr. Rastoul said.“In its very essence, the problem of getting to the bottom of score-settling is difficult,” Mr. Rastoul said.
“Mafia — these terms, I don’t think that advances the subject,” he said. “In my estimation, not all the institutions have been infiltrated by criminal organizations.”“Mafia — these terms, I don’t think that advances the subject,” he said. “In my estimation, not all the institutions have been infiltrated by criminal organizations.”
“That doesn’t mean there is not a criminal grip in some of the subregions,” he was quick to add.“That doesn’t mean there is not a criminal grip in some of the subregions,” he was quick to add.
“It’s awful that restaurant owners are subjected to this fear.”“It’s awful that restaurant owners are subjected to this fear.”
What fear?What fear?
“This phenomenon of extortion,” the prosecutor said. “We’re working on it.”“This phenomenon of extortion,” the prosecutor said. “We’re working on it.”