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| Jim Mattis Was the Man Who Stood Against Torture | |
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| Last spring, at Marine Corps University, I listened to a large group of Marine captains discuss the moral dimensions of war. The My Lai massacre in Vietnam and Haditha in Iraq were two of their case studies — the latter being one of the Marine Corps’ most controversial chapters in the Iraq war. In that 2005 incident, about two dozen Iraqi civilians, including women and children, were killed. A number of Marines were later charged with war crimes, though only one received a formal sentence — 90 days in a military prison that were never served. | Last spring, at Marine Corps University, I listened to a large group of Marine captains discuss the moral dimensions of war. The My Lai massacre in Vietnam and Haditha in Iraq were two of their case studies — the latter being one of the Marine Corps’ most controversial chapters in the Iraq war. In that 2005 incident, about two dozen Iraqi civilians, including women and children, were killed. A number of Marines were later charged with war crimes, though only one received a formal sentence — 90 days in a military prison that were never served. |
| The room of about 200 Marine officers, who were grade-schoolers on Sept. 11, 2001, also debated torture. Clicking yes-or-no buttons, 40 percent responded “yes” when asked, “Is it acceptable to torture?” The number increased to 55 percent when the captains were asked if torture was O.K. if an enemy prisoner of war knew the location of a missing fellow service member. | The room of about 200 Marine officers, who were grade-schoolers on Sept. 11, 2001, also debated torture. Clicking yes-or-no buttons, 40 percent responded “yes” when asked, “Is it acceptable to torture?” The number increased to 55 percent when the captains were asked if torture was O.K. if an enemy prisoner of war knew the location of a missing fellow service member. |
| Torture is apparently not just popular among many of the troops; it has a big fan in the White House. During the 2016 campaign, Donald Trump pledged to reinstate “enhanced interrogation techniques” like waterboarding. That he never did is largely because of one man: Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis, a retired four-star Marine general who will leave the administration in February. | |
| General Mattis commanded troops in some of the bloodiest fronts of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Yet he remained cleareyed in his opposition to torture, arguing that it was inhumane, illegal and ineffective. I first met him in Anbar Province, Iraq, in 2004, when I was with the State Department overseeing American political engagement with Sunni leaders — and, when necessary, trying to restrain young and overly aggressive Marines. General Mattis’s reputation had preceded him. The “Warrior Monk” was an erudite scholar of warfare who gave famously profane pep talks to Marines. But he was also a natural statesman. | General Mattis commanded troops in some of the bloodiest fronts of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Yet he remained cleareyed in his opposition to torture, arguing that it was inhumane, illegal and ineffective. I first met him in Anbar Province, Iraq, in 2004, when I was with the State Department overseeing American political engagement with Sunni leaders — and, when necessary, trying to restrain young and overly aggressive Marines. General Mattis’s reputation had preceded him. The “Warrior Monk” was an erudite scholar of warfare who gave famously profane pep talks to Marines. But he was also a natural statesman. |
| The general stood out to me when he ordered Marines to make a ramshackle wooden operations center “look better than Yosemite’s Visitor Center,” as one Marine put it. He wanted visiting Iraqi delegations to feel more at ease despite the hard talk that took place in the center on the eve of the biggest battle of the Iraq war. | The general stood out to me when he ordered Marines to make a ramshackle wooden operations center “look better than Yosemite’s Visitor Center,” as one Marine put it. He wanted visiting Iraqi delegations to feel more at ease despite the hard talk that took place in the center on the eve of the biggest battle of the Iraq war. |
| After Mr. Trump nominated him, Congress had to give Mr. Mattis a special waiver to lead the Pentagon because he was so recently retired. Legitimate concerns were raised about civilian-military relations. Would a four-decade military man known for his war-fighting acumen be an appropriate fit as a civilian official in charge of a $700 billion-dollar military budget and millions of service members? That question now appears more settled than not. Since being sworn in, Mr. Mattis has been a steadying force on the president’s ever-changing team, reportedly working behind the scenes to restrain his bellicose boss and, more publicly, to sustain America’s global alliances. | After Mr. Trump nominated him, Congress had to give Mr. Mattis a special waiver to lead the Pentagon because he was so recently retired. Legitimate concerns were raised about civilian-military relations. Would a four-decade military man known for his war-fighting acumen be an appropriate fit as a civilian official in charge of a $700 billion-dollar military budget and millions of service members? That question now appears more settled than not. Since being sworn in, Mr. Mattis has been a steadying force on the president’s ever-changing team, reportedly working behind the scenes to restrain his bellicose boss and, more publicly, to sustain America’s global alliances. |
| The great risk today, almost two years after the Senate voted 99 to 1 to confirm Mr. Mattis, is that an overtly political person will take his place. The likelihood of a new Pentagon chief who prioritizes loyalty to a president over loyalty to the ideals and values of the country could signal a renewed willingness to blur lines in the moral conduct of American foreign policy. Politicians of all stripes should recall that it was President Ronald Reagan, the most iconic of modern Republican leaders, who urged Senate ratification of the United Nations’ anti-torture treaty. In a letter to senators urging ratification of the United Nations Convention Against Torture in 1988, Mr. Reagan wrote that torture was “an abhorrent practice unfortunately still prevalent in the world today.” | The great risk today, almost two years after the Senate voted 99 to 1 to confirm Mr. Mattis, is that an overtly political person will take his place. The likelihood of a new Pentagon chief who prioritizes loyalty to a president over loyalty to the ideals and values of the country could signal a renewed willingness to blur lines in the moral conduct of American foreign policy. Politicians of all stripes should recall that it was President Ronald Reagan, the most iconic of modern Republican leaders, who urged Senate ratification of the United Nations’ anti-torture treaty. In a letter to senators urging ratification of the United Nations Convention Against Torture in 1988, Mr. Reagan wrote that torture was “an abhorrent practice unfortunately still prevalent in the world today.” |
| When Mr. Mattis decamps Washington in February, the United States risks a return to the so-called “dark side” of its conduct after Sept. 11. Only the United States can really hold itself to account in how it engages with the rest of the world. And many other governments, good and bad, will continue to see the bar for conduct either being raised or lowered depending on America’s lead. The Saudis are arguably the most relevant example in this regard right now, given the recent murder of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. | When Mr. Mattis decamps Washington in February, the United States risks a return to the so-called “dark side” of its conduct after Sept. 11. Only the United States can really hold itself to account in how it engages with the rest of the world. And many other governments, good and bad, will continue to see the bar for conduct either being raised or lowered depending on America’s lead. The Saudis are arguably the most relevant example in this regard right now, given the recent murder of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. |
| Newly elected congressional Democrats and Republicans who place their country over their party will be an important check on the president and his war cabinet in such a scenario. Sadly, Senator John McCain’s powerful voice against torture is now gone. Absent Mr. Mattis, President Trump might revert to his campaign rhetoric and again declare to the world — and to the troops and C.I.A. officers under his command — not only that “waterboarding absolutely works” but that he would consider authorizing “much worse.” | Newly elected congressional Democrats and Republicans who place their country over their party will be an important check on the president and his war cabinet in such a scenario. Sadly, Senator John McCain’s powerful voice against torture is now gone. Absent Mr. Mattis, President Trump might revert to his campaign rhetoric and again declare to the world — and to the troops and C.I.A. officers under his command — not only that “waterboarding absolutely works” but that he would consider authorizing “much worse.” |
| Maintaining a moral compass in a time of peace is important. But in a time of seeming endless conflict, it is critical that a clear ethical code flows down from the top of the military. Should terrorists succeed in bringing fear once again to American skies and cities, the temptation to bring back torture as our policy will likely be great in an administration that denigrates alliances and devalues international institutions, treaties and law. | Maintaining a moral compass in a time of peace is important. But in a time of seeming endless conflict, it is critical that a clear ethical code flows down from the top of the military. Should terrorists succeed in bringing fear once again to American skies and cities, the temptation to bring back torture as our policy will likely be great in an administration that denigrates alliances and devalues international institutions, treaties and law. |
| The appointment of John Bolton as Mr. Trump’s national security adviser is perhaps the surest indicator of a corrosion within the Oval Office of long-held American values. Mr. Bolton, an unrepentant cheerleader of the Iraq invasion who defended harsh interrogation techniques used during the Bush administration and is a critic of many treaties, appears to be growing in influence at the expense of more war-tested and war-wise advisers, including Mr. Mattis. This is a troubling dynamic that demands vigilance by elected leaders from both political parties. | The appointment of John Bolton as Mr. Trump’s national security adviser is perhaps the surest indicator of a corrosion within the Oval Office of long-held American values. Mr. Bolton, an unrepentant cheerleader of the Iraq invasion who defended harsh interrogation techniques used during the Bush administration and is a critic of many treaties, appears to be growing in influence at the expense of more war-tested and war-wise advisers, including Mr. Mattis. This is a troubling dynamic that demands vigilance by elected leaders from both political parties. |
| The military rightly gives medals for all sorts of battlefield bravery. But it is the stories of moral courage that I remember most from my seven years in Iraq and Afghanistan. | The military rightly gives medals for all sorts of battlefield bravery. But it is the stories of moral courage that I remember most from my seven years in Iraq and Afghanistan. |
| In one instance, a Marine sergeant who had just returned from patrol to Camp Leatherneck in Helmand Province, Afghanistan, told a commanding general, “Sir, with all due respect I disagree,” then proceeded to offer important insights into an upcoming battle in Taliban-filled poppy fields. In another case, a corporal openly criticized the military’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy toward gays as several Marine generals listened in. | In one instance, a Marine sergeant who had just returned from patrol to Camp Leatherneck in Helmand Province, Afghanistan, told a commanding general, “Sir, with all due respect I disagree,” then proceeded to offer important insights into an upcoming battle in Taliban-filled poppy fields. In another case, a corporal openly criticized the military’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy toward gays as several Marine generals listened in. |
| The Pentagon does not give medals for the moral courage to stand up and speak the hard truths — but it should. In the coming months, one can imagine many moments when the well-being of our government and our democratic values will depend on the willingness of our best public servants to challenge, respectfully but forcefully, America’s commander in chief. Perhaps one of those voices will be a recently retired secretary of defense. | The Pentagon does not give medals for the moral courage to stand up and speak the hard truths — but it should. In the coming months, one can imagine many moments when the well-being of our government and our democratic values will depend on the willingness of our best public servants to challenge, respectfully but forcefully, America’s commander in chief. Perhaps one of those voices will be a recently retired secretary of defense. |
| And if Mr. Mattis adds another title to his long résumé — “author” — future Marine Corps University students studying the moral dimensions of war will be a ready audience. | And if Mr. Mattis adds another title to his long résumé — “author” — future Marine Corps University students studying the moral dimensions of war will be a ready audience. |
| J. Kael Weston, the author of “The Mirror Test,” teaches at Marine Corps University in Quantico, Va., and at Westminster College in Salt Lake City. | J. Kael Weston, the author of “The Mirror Test,” teaches at Marine Corps University in Quantico, Va., and at Westminster College in Salt Lake City. |
| Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. | Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. |