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To ask Corbyn to support Israel is an impossible demand | To ask Corbyn to support Israel is an impossible demand |
(6 months later) | |
Since Jeremy Corbyn’s election as Labour party leader in 2015, accusations of antisemitism in the Labour party from Jewish community leaders have become commonplace. Now, in an interview with the Daily Telegraph, Jonathan Arkush, the outgoing president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, went further in his criticisms than he or others in his position have gone before. | Since Jeremy Corbyn’s election as Labour party leader in 2015, accusations of antisemitism in the Labour party from Jewish community leaders have become commonplace. Now, in an interview with the Daily Telegraph, Jonathan Arkush, the outgoing president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, went further in his criticisms than he or others in his position have gone before. |
While Corbyn has often been accused of tolerating antisemitism within Labour, or of creating an environment in which it can thrive, leaders of major UK Jewish communal institutions have stopped just short of accusing him of being personally antisemitic. Now Arkush says that he believes that Corbyn has views that “are antisemitic”, due to his associations with Stop the War and the Palestine Solidarity Campaign. | While Corbyn has often been accused of tolerating antisemitism within Labour, or of creating an environment in which it can thrive, leaders of major UK Jewish communal institutions have stopped just short of accusing him of being personally antisemitic. Now Arkush says that he believes that Corbyn has views that “are antisemitic”, due to his associations with Stop the War and the Palestine Solidarity Campaign. |
Arkush seems to demand not just toning down criticism of Israel, but actively supporting it | Arkush seems to demand not just toning down criticism of Israel, but actively supporting it |
Inevitably, this raises the question of the relationship between criticism of Israel and antisemitism. I have never met a Jew who argued that any criticism of any kind is always antisemitic. Rather, in much of the Jewish community and in definitions of antisemitism supported by Jewish communal institutions – such as the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition – it is criticism that is “disproportionate” and that “de-legitimises” the Jewish state that is seen as antisemitic. | Inevitably, this raises the question of the relationship between criticism of Israel and antisemitism. I have never met a Jew who argued that any criticism of any kind is always antisemitic. Rather, in much of the Jewish community and in definitions of antisemitism supported by Jewish communal institutions – such as the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition – it is criticism that is “disproportionate” and that “de-legitimises” the Jewish state that is seen as antisemitic. |
Of course, these definitions are interpreted in a wide variety of ways by Jews and others. But there is no escaping the fact that most (but by no means all) Jews find it very difficult to see anti-Zionism as anything other than antisemitic, and find it hard to consider pro-Palestinian activism (which, at the very least, tends to ratchet up the rhetoric as all single-issue campaigns do) as proportionate criticism. | Of course, these definitions are interpreted in a wide variety of ways by Jews and others. But there is no escaping the fact that most (but by no means all) Jews find it very difficult to see anti-Zionism as anything other than antisemitic, and find it hard to consider pro-Palestinian activism (which, at the very least, tends to ratchet up the rhetoric as all single-issue campaigns do) as proportionate criticism. |
But Arkush goes further than this. In his Telegraph interview, he recalls confronting Corbyn with the question: “Why is there nothing good you can say about Israel? And he couldn’t answer. He was silent.” This seems to demand not just toning down criticism of Israel, but actively supporting the country. This is an impossible demand to make not just of Corbyn, but even of other more moderate critics of Israel. | But Arkush goes further than this. In his Telegraph interview, he recalls confronting Corbyn with the question: “Why is there nothing good you can say about Israel? And he couldn’t answer. He was silent.” This seems to demand not just toning down criticism of Israel, but actively supporting the country. This is an impossible demand to make not just of Corbyn, but even of other more moderate critics of Israel. |
Arkush further ramps up the stakes by painting a picture of a fearful Jewish community that is starting to ask: “What is our future here?” – and is increasingly drawn to Israel’s “modern, democratic, successful society”. He seems to be backing both the Jewish community and Corbyn into a corner, where, unless Labour returns to a more supportive position on Israel, many of the UK’s Jews will depart – to Israel. | Arkush further ramps up the stakes by painting a picture of a fearful Jewish community that is starting to ask: “What is our future here?” – and is increasingly drawn to Israel’s “modern, democratic, successful society”. He seems to be backing both the Jewish community and Corbyn into a corner, where, unless Labour returns to a more supportive position on Israel, many of the UK’s Jews will depart – to Israel. |
It isn’t difficult to find Jews who would not agree with Arkush – and I’m not just thinking of the small but significant minority of Jewish anti-Zionists. As president of the board, he would have been unlikely to make these comments publicly if he were not on his way out, and most Jewish leaders understand the value of moderating their language in order to maintain lines of communication with the Labour party. | It isn’t difficult to find Jews who would not agree with Arkush – and I’m not just thinking of the small but significant minority of Jewish anti-Zionists. As president of the board, he would have been unlikely to make these comments publicly if he were not on his way out, and most Jewish leaders understand the value of moderating their language in order to maintain lines of communication with the Labour party. |
In any case, the Zionist Jewish majority is far from homogeneous. Some – such as many of the young activists who took part in the highly controversial Kaddish for Gaza event last month – are fiercely critical of Israel’s current path. This isn’t just a political matter; all of us set the bar differently in what we require to feel existentially secure. All that said, there remains a gap between even the more Israel-critical forms of left-of-centre Jewish Zionist opinion and Corbynite Labour; and that gap becomes a yawning chasm when we consider those Jews who are more supportive of Israel’s current politics. | In any case, the Zionist Jewish majority is far from homogeneous. Some – such as many of the young activists who took part in the highly controversial Kaddish for Gaza event last month – are fiercely critical of Israel’s current path. This isn’t just a political matter; all of us set the bar differently in what we require to feel existentially secure. All that said, there remains a gap between even the more Israel-critical forms of left-of-centre Jewish Zionist opinion and Corbynite Labour; and that gap becomes a yawning chasm when we consider those Jews who are more supportive of Israel’s current politics. |
Two major public furores about antisemitism occurred in 2016, with Labour MP Naz Shah apologising for an antisemitic Facebook post, and former London mayor Ken Livingstone making remarks about “the Israel lobby” and Hitler supporting Zionism in broadcast interviews that eventually led to him quitting the party after a lengthy disciplinary process. A report that year by Shami Chakrabarti exonerated the party of widespread antisemitism but reported an 'occasionally toxic atmosphere'. | |
Matters escalated in 2018 when it became evident that the party was receiving more and more complaints, to the extent that there was a backlog of disciplinary cases. Jeremy Corbyn apologised that April for hurt caused to the Jewish community by problems in the process and pointed to only 0.1% of members being under investigation for alleged antisemitic comments. | |
But the party was also mired in a row about whether to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which it ended up ultimately approving. Then accusations of political interference in the complaints process by aides close to Corbyn began to emerge earlier this year, which the party strongly denies. | |
The resignations of some MPs and peers over antisemitism in February 2019 alarmed many Labour colleagues. Then Chris Williamson, a Labour MP and ally of Corbyn, caused an outcry for saying that the party had been 'too apologetic' about antisemitism complaints. However, many of his supporters in the party backed a campaign saying he had been vilified and badly treated. Then came the announcement that the Equalities and Human Rights Commission was placing the party under formal investigation over antisemitism. | |
In a July 2019 programme, eight whistleblowers spoke to a BBC Panorama documentary, with some saying they felt there was political meddling from Corbyn’s office in the process for handling antisemitism complaints. Seumas Milne, one of Corbyn’s closest aides, told officials the party was 'muddling up political disputes with racism' and must review processes. Jennie Formby, the general secretary, was accused of attempting to interfere in who sat on a panel examining the case of Jackie Walker, a high-profile activist who was eventually expelled from the party. | |
Labour strongly denied the allegations of political interference, and came out on the offensive, accusing the BBC of bias and calling for the documentary to be pulled. A Labour spokesman said the party had fully answered “a number of questions” put to it by the programme, and had also sent 50 pages of documents in response. The complaints to the BBC had been made “at various levels, including the director general”. | |
Rowena Mason, Deputy political editor | |
It’s now clear what the Labour party under Corbyn can and cannot do to assuage Jewish fears over antisemitism. Corbyn will make clear the party’s opposition to antisemitism and acknowledge Jewish fears and concerns. He will acknowledge that, at the very least, pockets of antisemitism exist in the Labour party. The party will work to improve disciplinary procedures against those accused of antisemitism. | It’s now clear what the Labour party under Corbyn can and cannot do to assuage Jewish fears over antisemitism. Corbyn will make clear the party’s opposition to antisemitism and acknowledge Jewish fears and concerns. He will acknowledge that, at the very least, pockets of antisemitism exist in the Labour party. The party will work to improve disciplinary procedures against those accused of antisemitism. |
Ken Livingstone quits Labour after antisemitism claims | Ken Livingstone quits Labour after antisemitism claims |
But what Corbyn cannot, and will not, do is to renounce his past. While he has expressed support for a two-state solution and has not made explicitly anti-Zionist statements since becoming leader, he cannot and will not do anything supportive of Israel, at least under its current rightwing leadership. | But what Corbyn cannot, and will not, do is to renounce his past. While he has expressed support for a two-state solution and has not made explicitly anti-Zionist statements since becoming leader, he cannot and will not do anything supportive of Israel, at least under its current rightwing leadership. |
In these conditions, it is hard to see a way forward. Perhaps a new generation of Jewish leaders and a new generation of Labour leaders who are not so burdened by the past might be able to reboot the relationship. Certainly, as long as most British Jews remain Zionists – albeit with an increasing proportion of those who believe in the principle of Jewish statehood while abhorring its current reality – the relationship with the Labour party will continue to be fraught at best. | In these conditions, it is hard to see a way forward. Perhaps a new generation of Jewish leaders and a new generation of Labour leaders who are not so burdened by the past might be able to reboot the relationship. Certainly, as long as most British Jews remain Zionists – albeit with an increasing proportion of those who believe in the principle of Jewish statehood while abhorring its current reality – the relationship with the Labour party will continue to be fraught at best. |
• Keith Kahn-Harris is a sociologist and the author of Judaism: All That Matters | • Keith Kahn-Harris is a sociologist and the author of Judaism: All That Matters |
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Jeremy Corbyn | Jeremy Corbyn |
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