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| Poland’s Nationalism Threatens Europe’s Values, and Cohesion | Poland’s Nationalism Threatens Europe’s Values, and Cohesion |
| (about 17 hours later) | |
| SNIADOWO, Poland — The young mayor of this small town deep in eastern Poland is extremely proud of its new Italian fire engine, which sits, resplendent, next to a Soviet-era one. Nearby, the head of the elementary school shows off new classrooms and a new gymnasium, complete with an electronic scoreboard. | SNIADOWO, Poland — The young mayor of this small town deep in eastern Poland is extremely proud of its new Italian fire engine, which sits, resplendent, next to a Soviet-era one. Nearby, the head of the elementary school shows off new classrooms and a new gymnasium, complete with an electronic scoreboard. |
| All of this — plus roads, solar panels, and improved water purification and sewer systems, as well as support to dairy farmers — has largely been paid for by the European Union, which finances nearly 60 percent of Poland’s public investment. | All of this — plus roads, solar panels, and improved water purification and sewer systems, as well as support to dairy farmers — has largely been paid for by the European Union, which finances nearly 60 percent of Poland’s public investment. |
| With such largess, one would hardly think that Poland is in a kind of war with the European Union. In recent months, the nationalist government has bitten the hand that feeds more than once. | |
| The European Union has accused it of a grave risk to democratic values and the rule of law by packing the courts with loyalists; by asserting control over once-independent media; and even of restricting free speech with its latest law criminalizing any suggestion that the Polish nation bore any responsibility in the Holocaust. | |
| The tug of war has intensified as Eastern Europe becomes the incubator for a new model of “illiberal democracy” for which Hungary has laid the groundwork. But it is Poland — so large, so rich, so militarily powerful and so important geostrategically — that will define whether the European Union’s long effort to integrate the former Soviet bloc succeeds or fails. | The tug of war has intensified as Eastern Europe becomes the incubator for a new model of “illiberal democracy” for which Hungary has laid the groundwork. But it is Poland — so large, so rich, so militarily powerful and so important geostrategically — that will define whether the European Union’s long effort to integrate the former Soviet bloc succeeds or fails. |
| The stakes, many believe, far outweigh those of Britain’s exit from the European Union, or Brexit, as the bloc faces a painful reckoning over whether, despite its efforts at discipline, it has enabled the anti-democratic drift, and what to do about it. | The stakes, many believe, far outweigh those of Britain’s exit from the European Union, or Brexit, as the bloc faces a painful reckoning over whether, despite its efforts at discipline, it has enabled the anti-democratic drift, and what to do about it. |
| The growing conflict between the original Western member states of the bloc and the newer members in Central and Eastern Europe is the main threat to the cohesion and survival of the European Union. It is not a simple clash, but a multibannered one of identity, history, values, religion and interpretations of democracy and “solidarity.” | The growing conflict between the original Western member states of the bloc and the newer members in Central and Eastern Europe is the main threat to the cohesion and survival of the European Union. It is not a simple clash, but a multibannered one of identity, history, values, religion and interpretations of democracy and “solidarity.” |
| “It’s yes to Europe, but what Europe?” said Michal Baranowski, director of the Warsaw office of the German Marshall Fund, noting that Poland’s support for European Union membership runs as high as 80 percent but can be shallow. | “It’s yes to Europe, but what Europe?” said Michal Baranowski, director of the Warsaw office of the German Marshall Fund, noting that Poland’s support for European Union membership runs as high as 80 percent but can be shallow. |
| The Polish government, which is dominated by the Law and Justice party, itself dominated from the back rooms by the party chief, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, seems to have its own answer to the question. | The Polish government, which is dominated by the Law and Justice party, itself dominated from the back rooms by the party chief, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, seems to have its own answer to the question. |
| It is more than happy to take European Union support, but worries that Poland’s share could come on the chopping block in the future. The country is to get nearly 9 percent of the European Union budget for 2014 to 2020, some 85 billion euros, or $105 billion. | It is more than happy to take European Union support, but worries that Poland’s share could come on the chopping block in the future. The country is to get nearly 9 percent of the European Union budget for 2014 to 2020, some 85 billion euros, or $105 billion. |
| But the vague threats to apply the brakes to the gravy train are unlikely to push the Kaczynski government to change. It has responded to European criticism by accusing Brussels and Germany — so recently Poland’s greatest ally in Europe — of dictating terms to newer members and trying to impose an elitist, secular vision. | But the vague threats to apply the brakes to the gravy train are unlikely to push the Kaczynski government to change. It has responded to European criticism by accusing Brussels and Germany — so recently Poland’s greatest ally in Europe — of dictating terms to newer members and trying to impose an elitist, secular vision. |
| It has campaigned on Polish national pride, “getting up off our knees,” portraying the predominantly Roman Catholic Poland, which traditionally sees itself as a victim of history, as the “Christ of nations.” | It has campaigned on Polish national pride, “getting up off our knees,” portraying the predominantly Roman Catholic Poland, which traditionally sees itself as a victim of history, as the “Christ of nations.” |
| After being squeezed between empires and occupied in turns by fascism and communism, Poland is ready to take its place as an equal, Mr. Kaczynski asserts, no longer relegated to serfdom or secondary status. | After being squeezed between empires and occupied in turns by fascism and communism, Poland is ready to take its place as an equal, Mr. Kaczynski asserts, no longer relegated to serfdom or secondary status. |
| “The history is part of our identity, which people in other parts of the world don’t understand,” said Slawomir Debski, director of the Polish Institute of International Affairs. “What is it to be a Pole? We are the nation that survived World War II, and were the victims of both totalitarian systems.” | “The history is part of our identity, which people in other parts of the world don’t understand,” said Slawomir Debski, director of the Polish Institute of International Affairs. “What is it to be a Pole? We are the nation that survived World War II, and were the victims of both totalitarian systems.” |
| This combination of Polish nationalism, religious conservatism, anti-elitism and attacks on those supposedly seeking to dictate to Poland about values and migrant quotas has made Law and Justice by far the largest party in a divided country with a disorganized political opposition. | This combination of Polish nationalism, religious conservatism, anti-elitism and attacks on those supposedly seeking to dictate to Poland about values and migrant quotas has made Law and Justice by far the largest party in a divided country with a disorganized political opposition. |
| The party has risen from almost 38 percent of the vote in the 2015 election to about 47 percent in recent opinion polls. Much of that success is attributed to its investment in the poorer countryside, and much of the money for that investment is attributed to European Union support and access to its markets and jobs. | The party has risen from almost 38 percent of the vote in the 2015 election to about 47 percent in recent opinion polls. Much of that success is attributed to its investment in the poorer countryside, and much of the money for that investment is attributed to European Union support and access to its markets and jobs. |
| But more than money, Law and Justice thrives on cultural and identity politics. It has contrasted a conservative, Catholic Poland and its family values with a godless, freethinking, gender-bending Western Europe. | But more than money, Law and Justice thrives on cultural and identity politics. It has contrasted a conservative, Catholic Poland and its family values with a godless, freethinking, gender-bending Western Europe. |
| It accuses past governments, the opposition and the urban elites, of hankering after European approval and acceptance to the detriment of Polish interests. | It accuses past governments, the opposition and the urban elites, of hankering after European approval and acceptance to the detriment of Polish interests. |
| Sniadowo district, a collection of villages northeast of Warsaw with roughly 5,500 people, reflects that support. While the pre-World War II population was about 40 percent Jewish, today it is Kaczynski country. | Sniadowo district, a collection of villages northeast of Warsaw with roughly 5,500 people, reflects that support. While the pre-World War II population was about 40 percent Jewish, today it is Kaczynski country. |
| The area is profoundly Roman Catholic and deeply affected by its proximity to Belarus and the memories of the Soviet occupation of World War II. In 2015, roughly 70 percent of voters in the region supported Law and Justice. | The area is profoundly Roman Catholic and deeply affected by its proximity to Belarus and the memories of the Soviet occupation of World War II. In 2015, roughly 70 percent of voters in the region supported Law and Justice. |
| People go to church several times a week, priests tend to give passionate, political sermons, and state and church media give a partisan version of events. | People go to church several times a week, priests tend to give passionate, political sermons, and state and church media give a partisan version of events. |
| “Promoting same-sex marriage will not go down well here,” said Marek Adam Komorowski, 58, a local councilman in nearby Lomza. “If you are in Europe, you can’t speak against it, but it is not a norm here. Here, family means something else.” | “Promoting same-sex marriage will not go down well here,” said Marek Adam Komorowski, 58, a local councilman in nearby Lomza. “If you are in Europe, you can’t speak against it, but it is not a norm here. Here, family means something else.” |
| Rafal Pstragowski, the 37-year-old mayor of Sniadowo, an independent in his seventh year in office, echoed the sentiments. “Poland is a traditional Christian country and Poland respects other religions,” he said, “but we want our culture to be respected, too.” | Rafal Pstragowski, the 37-year-old mayor of Sniadowo, an independent in his seventh year in office, echoed the sentiments. “Poland is a traditional Christian country and Poland respects other religions,” he said, “but we want our culture to be respected, too.” |
| “There is a fear among people that Western secularism is a threat to our traditional culture,” he added. “If things in Europe keep going in the same direction, people think that the migration crisis and terrorist attacks could start here, too.’’ | “There is a fear among people that Western secularism is a threat to our traditional culture,” he added. “If things in Europe keep going in the same direction, people think that the migration crisis and terrorist attacks could start here, too.’’ |
| Slawomir Zgrzywa, 55, a local historian, said that Poland’s long history of conflict with Russia had made it skeptical of “any sort of left-wing or liberal politics,” and had enhanced the standing of a deeply conservative and politicized Roman Catholic priesthood. | Slawomir Zgrzywa, 55, a local historian, said that Poland’s long history of conflict with Russia had made it skeptical of “any sort of left-wing or liberal politics,” and had enhanced the standing of a deeply conservative and politicized Roman Catholic priesthood. |
| As for the fight with the European Union over the government’s control of the judiciary, that “seems abstract,” said Agnieszka Walczuk, 45, the director of the town’s elementary school. “The people here are poor, and they feel they have been helped by a government seen as protecting them,” she said. | As for the fight with the European Union over the government’s control of the judiciary, that “seems abstract,” said Agnieszka Walczuk, 45, the director of the town’s elementary school. “The people here are poor, and they feel they have been helped by a government seen as protecting them,” she said. |
| The recent squabble over Poland’s new law about history and the Holocaust is another example of the government offending Western European sensibilities about free speech for domestic gain. It is seen at home as an effort to protect Poland against all those angry, upset foreigners — including Jews and Western Europeans. It was telling that the opposition abstained on the vote, rather than voting against. | The recent squabble over Poland’s new law about history and the Holocaust is another example of the government offending Western European sensibilities about free speech for domestic gain. It is seen at home as an effort to protect Poland against all those angry, upset foreigners — including Jews and Western Europeans. It was telling that the opposition abstained on the vote, rather than voting against. |
| While firmly in favor of membership, Law and Justice has a vision of the European Union similar to the British one — a union of nation states trading freely with one another but not interfering in domestic politics or national culture. | While firmly in favor of membership, Law and Justice has a vision of the European Union similar to the British one — a union of nation states trading freely with one another but not interfering in domestic politics or national culture. |
| At the same time, Poland sees an emerging vision for Europe, under the proposals of France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, as reviving French-German domination of the bloc, which would leave Poland more sidelined. | At the same time, Poland sees an emerging vision for Europe, under the proposals of France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, as reviving French-German domination of the bloc, which would leave Poland more sidelined. |
| In Poland’s view, talk of restricting the rights of foreign workers in France is protectionist and aimed at the new member states, but wrapped in pro-European language. Poland rejects a “multilevel” or “two-speed” Europe, with an inner core of eurozone states and an outer ring of lesser members. But it sees Brussels heading that way regardless. | In Poland’s view, talk of restricting the rights of foreign workers in France is protectionist and aimed at the new member states, but wrapped in pro-European language. Poland rejects a “multilevel” or “two-speed” Europe, with an inner core of eurozone states and an outer ring of lesser members. But it sees Brussels heading that way regardless. |
| In general, Mr. Kaczynski’s priority is domestic, “and for control of the judiciary, he’s ready to pay almost any price,” said Piotr Buras, head of the Warsaw office of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “He is slowly using mostly democratic means, amassing so much power that the party’s position is unassailable.’’ | In general, Mr. Kaczynski’s priority is domestic, “and for control of the judiciary, he’s ready to pay almost any price,” said Piotr Buras, head of the Warsaw office of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “He is slowly using mostly democratic means, amassing so much power that the party’s position is unassailable.’’ |
| The changes, the government argues, are necessary to clear out an old Communist elite, but they are “rendering the independence of the judiciary completely moot,” Frans Timmermans, vice president of the European Commission, said in December. | The changes, the government argues, are necessary to clear out an old Communist elite, but they are “rendering the independence of the judiciary completely moot,” Frans Timmermans, vice president of the European Commission, said in December. |
| “The constitutionality of legislation can no longer be guaranteed,” he said, because “the country’s judiciary is now under the political control of the ruling majority.” | “The constitutionality of legislation can no longer be guaranteed,” he said, because “the country’s judiciary is now under the political control of the ruling majority.” |
| The European Union has warned Poland officially, charging that Warsaw risks “a serious breach” of its commitment to shared values of liberal democracy and the rule of law, principles that all member states have sworn to uphold. | The European Union has warned Poland officially, charging that Warsaw risks “a serious breach” of its commitment to shared values of liberal democracy and the rule of law, principles that all member states have sworn to uphold. |
| Some think that Warsaw and Brussels will compromise somehow, since other European states do not want to risk being subject to sanctions one day. But compromise is difficult to foresee. Mr. Buras views in Mr. Kaczynski a pessimism about the European project. | Some think that Warsaw and Brussels will compromise somehow, since other European states do not want to risk being subject to sanctions one day. But compromise is difficult to foresee. Mr. Buras views in Mr. Kaczynski a pessimism about the European project. |
| “He thinks that this E.U. is doomed to fail, and so we need to save ourselves,” Mr. Buras said. “He believes that it cannot survive.” | “He thinks that this E.U. is doomed to fail, and so we need to save ourselves,” Mr. Buras said. “He believes that it cannot survive.” |
| That concerns Ms. Walczuk, the school director, who remembers the paucity of her choices under Communism and worries about the future of her daughter, 16, and son, 12. | That concerns Ms. Walczuk, the school director, who remembers the paucity of her choices under Communism and worries about the future of her daughter, 16, and son, 12. |
| “I fear this fight with Brussels might limit my children’s right to work and travel in Europe,” she said. “I know my kids have no sense of not having anything, no sense that they should say something, to stand up for their rights, and this worries me.” | “I fear this fight with Brussels might limit my children’s right to work and travel in Europe,” she said. “I know my kids have no sense of not having anything, no sense that they should say something, to stand up for their rights, and this worries me.” |