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Liu Xiaobo’s Unflappable Optimism Liu Xiaobo’s Unflappable Optimism
(about 5 hours later)
I last spoke to Liu Xiaobo from my home in Maryland the day before the police detained him in Beijing in December 2008. He wanted to discuss the use of a few words in the final draft of Charter 08, a constitutional reform manifesto. He was proud of how he had collected one more signature from a reformer who had been kicked out of the government by showing up at 5 a.m. in a Beijing park, where the old man practiced tai chi.I last spoke to Liu Xiaobo from my home in Maryland the day before the police detained him in Beijing in December 2008. He wanted to discuss the use of a few words in the final draft of Charter 08, a constitutional reform manifesto. He was proud of how he had collected one more signature from a reformer who had been kicked out of the government by showing up at 5 a.m. in a Beijing park, where the old man practiced tai chi.
I worried about the risks to him and his friends and suggested delaying the release of the document. “What’s the worry? The worst for me is going back to jail. But it’s worth it: It’s nearly 20 years since Tiananmen, but there’s been no justice. I’ll do anything,” he said calmly.I worried about the risks to him and his friends and suggested delaying the release of the document. “What’s the worry? The worst for me is going back to jail. But it’s worth it: It’s nearly 20 years since Tiananmen, but there’s been no justice. I’ll do anything,” he said calmly.
The charter called for respect of “basic universal values,” including freedom, human rights, equality, democracy and constitutional rule. More than 300 Chinese activists, lawyers and intellectuals had added their signatures, some of which Xiaobo tirelessly collected by email, by Skype or at dinner parties. The main organizers planned to release the charter as several important anniversaries approached: the 20th of the Tiananmen massacre and the 60th of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.The charter called for respect of “basic universal values,” including freedom, human rights, equality, democracy and constitutional rule. More than 300 Chinese activists, lawyers and intellectuals had added their signatures, some of which Xiaobo tirelessly collected by email, by Skype or at dinner parties. The main organizers planned to release the charter as several important anniversaries approached: the 20th of the Tiananmen massacre and the 60th of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
I was introduced to Xiaobo in 2004 over the internet by a mutual friend. Along with a few others, we founded a small human-rights organization in 2005. We worked closely for several years, especially in 2008, while Charter 08 went through many drafts among a circle of about 100 people.I was introduced to Xiaobo in 2004 over the internet by a mutual friend. Along with a few others, we founded a small human-rights organization in 2005. We worked closely for several years, especially in 2008, while Charter 08 went through many drafts among a circle of about 100 people.
Around 2 a.m. Beijing time, on Dec. 9, 2008, I realized something had gone wrong. Xiaobo could always be counted on for a lively chat in the early morning hours and mesmerizing his friends with his self-deprecating jokes, told in his strong northern accent with a slight, distinctive stutter. Yet on this day the colors indicating his availability kept switching back and forth on my screen. “You all right? Your Skype is behaving oddly,” I wrote. It turned off abruptly. I later learned that the police were searching his computer at that moment.Around 2 a.m. Beijing time, on Dec. 9, 2008, I realized something had gone wrong. Xiaobo could always be counted on for a lively chat in the early morning hours and mesmerizing his friends with his self-deprecating jokes, told in his strong northern accent with a slight, distinctive stutter. Yet on this day the colors indicating his availability kept switching back and forth on my screen. “You all right? Your Skype is behaving oddly,” I wrote. It turned off abruptly. I later learned that the police were searching his computer at that moment.
The Beijing police detained Xiaobo and his friend, Zhang Zuhua, a former official turned dissident, who was a co-organizer of the charter. Within two days, the document was released. Soon after, the police detained and interrogated hundreds of signatories, searched their residences and confiscated personal belongings.The Beijing police detained Xiaobo and his friend, Zhang Zuhua, a former official turned dissident, who was a co-organizer of the charter. Within two days, the document was released. Soon after, the police detained and interrogated hundreds of signatories, searched their residences and confiscated personal belongings.
Xiaobo was sentenced to 11 years in prison in December 2009 for “inciting subversion of state power.” He had been imprisoned several times since 1989, when he was jailed for his role supporting the Tiananmen protests. In May of this year, he learned he had terminal liver cancer and was hospitalized. In hindsight, his conviction was nothing short of a death sentence.Xiaobo was sentenced to 11 years in prison in December 2009 for “inciting subversion of state power.” He had been imprisoned several times since 1989, when he was jailed for his role supporting the Tiananmen protests. In May of this year, he learned he had terminal liver cancer and was hospitalized. In hindsight, his conviction was nothing short of a death sentence.
China’s tyrants may believe Xiaobo’s death in captivity shows their strength and victory. But their efforts to erase Xiaobo’s ideas from the Chinese public haven’t totally worked. Many Chinese people may not have heard of Liu Xiaobo because of the government’s stranglehold on the media, but according to reports, more than 34,000 people — most of them in China — recently signed an open letter demanding his freedom and his right to choose his own medical care. China’s tyrants may believe Xiaobo’s death on Thursday in captivity shows their strength and victory. But their efforts to erase Xiaobo’s ideas from the Chinese public haven’t totally worked. Many Chinese people may not have heard of Liu Xiaobo because of the government’s stranglehold on the media, but according to reports, more than 34,000 people — most of them in China — recently signed an open letter demanding his freedom and his right to choose his own medical care.
And while China has become more repressive in recent years under President Xi Jinping, Xiaobo’s vision of “transcending fear” with love and of fighting for freedom peacefully “with optimism” continues to inspire new generations of democracy and human rights activists.And while China has become more repressive in recent years under President Xi Jinping, Xiaobo’s vision of “transcending fear” with love and of fighting for freedom peacefully “with optimism” continues to inspire new generations of democracy and human rights activists.
Many more Chinese today than in 1989 or 2008 are carrying out small but significant peaceful acts of protest to further human rights protections. I have met many college graduates working in nonprofit groups advocating for the rights of the disabled, those who are L.G.B.T.Q. and victims of sexual violence. One group I worked with trained laypeople to use the law to bring officials to court, to protect their land or to seek compensation for illnesses and injuries incurred at work.Many more Chinese today than in 1989 or 2008 are carrying out small but significant peaceful acts of protest to further human rights protections. I have met many college graduates working in nonprofit groups advocating for the rights of the disabled, those who are L.G.B.T.Q. and victims of sexual violence. One group I worked with trained laypeople to use the law to bring officials to court, to protect their land or to seek compensation for illnesses and injuries incurred at work.
One woman, assisted by a lawyer who had training in the United Nations convention on women’s rights, sued her village officials and won a case involving gender discrimination. Another lawyer filed an appeal to the United Nations alleging arbitrary detention of his client, who was locked up at a labor camp without a trial. Officials told the lawyer that a United Nations inquiry about the case had led to the client’s release.One woman, assisted by a lawyer who had training in the United Nations convention on women’s rights, sued her village officials and won a case involving gender discrimination. Another lawyer filed an appeal to the United Nations alleging arbitrary detention of his client, who was locked up at a labor camp without a trial. Officials told the lawyer that a United Nations inquiry about the case had led to the client’s release.
Brave Chinese people like these are helping to build the foundation for democracy. A schoolteacher, who was among the first group of signatories of Charter 08, has organized village election monitoring and become an expert on local election laws. His group has trained hundreds of people online about free and fair local elections.Brave Chinese people like these are helping to build the foundation for democracy. A schoolteacher, who was among the first group of signatories of Charter 08, has organized village election monitoring and become an expert on local election laws. His group has trained hundreds of people online about free and fair local elections.
Liu Xiaobo never harbored the illusion that nonviolent action would not be returned by violence. Chinese lawyers who used the courts to challenge the state-controlled judiciary, attempting to hold the police accountable for using torture to extract confessions or keeping detainees in secret locations, have been detained or tortured themselves.Liu Xiaobo never harbored the illusion that nonviolent action would not be returned by violence. Chinese lawyers who used the courts to challenge the state-controlled judiciary, attempting to hold the police accountable for using torture to extract confessions or keeping detainees in secret locations, have been detained or tortured themselves.
But Xiaobo didn’t let the repression cloud his unflappable optimism. His firm belief that freedom is “the source of humanity and the mother of truth” should continue to guide all of us.But Xiaobo didn’t let the repression cloud his unflappable optimism. His firm belief that freedom is “the source of humanity and the mother of truth” should continue to guide all of us.