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| The Guardian view on the Queen’s speech: a new, better balance of power | The Guardian view on the Queen’s speech: a new, better balance of power |
| (7 months later) | |
| Thu 29 Jun 2017 20.20 BST | |
| Last modified on Mon 27 Nov 2017 20.59 GMT | |
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| Prime ministers are lucky if the phrases they bequeath to posterity are cited in tribute more than ridicule. Theresa May is not fortunate in that respect. Her most memorable contribution may well be the tetchy denial of a policy U-turn over social care funding during the election campaign: “Nothing has changed.” That, or her now laughable claim to have been the candidate for “strong and stable” government. The prime minister did not then expect to be relying on MPs from the Democratic Unionist party to nudge a depleted programme over the threshold of parliamentary approval. | Prime ministers are lucky if the phrases they bequeath to posterity are cited in tribute more than ridicule. Theresa May is not fortunate in that respect. Her most memorable contribution may well be the tetchy denial of a policy U-turn over social care funding during the election campaign: “Nothing has changed.” That, or her now laughable claim to have been the candidate for “strong and stable” government. The prime minister did not then expect to be relying on MPs from the Democratic Unionist party to nudge a depleted programme over the threshold of parliamentary approval. |
| The passage of the Queen’s speech proves that the Tories have an arithmetical capacity to legislate, which is not the same thing as a mandate. The prime minister’s DUP deal is tacit recognition that the ground has shifted beneath her feet, but she needs to be more explicit in acknowledging that politics will be conducted differently in the new parliament. She has no choice. A handful of rebels on the Tory benches can defeat Mrs May at any time. | The passage of the Queen’s speech proves that the Tories have an arithmetical capacity to legislate, which is not the same thing as a mandate. The prime minister’s DUP deal is tacit recognition that the ground has shifted beneath her feet, but she needs to be more explicit in acknowledging that politics will be conducted differently in the new parliament. She has no choice. A handful of rebels on the Tory benches can defeat Mrs May at any time. |
| It is a weapon Conservative MPs are disinclined to use casually. Loyalty to the leader might be diminished but loyalty to power is not. They do not want to bring down their government. But the threat of defeat is sufficient to force a change of direction. The government today screeched into a U-turn and agreed that women from Northern Ireland would not be charged when seeking abortions from the NHS in England after Tory MPs threatened to back an amendment tabled by Labour’s Stella Creasy. The climbdown is primarily a victory for women’s rights, but also heralds a new political dynamic: power shifting from ministers to MPs – front and backbench. | It is a weapon Conservative MPs are disinclined to use casually. Loyalty to the leader might be diminished but loyalty to power is not. They do not want to bring down their government. But the threat of defeat is sufficient to force a change of direction. The government today screeched into a U-turn and agreed that women from Northern Ireland would not be charged when seeking abortions from the NHS in England after Tory MPs threatened to back an amendment tabled by Labour’s Stella Creasy. The climbdown is primarily a victory for women’s rights, but also heralds a new political dynamic: power shifting from ministers to MPs – front and backbench. |
| Labour’s calls for an end to public sector pay freezes were defeated, but not before ministers wobbled and Downing Street was bounced into a chaotic clarification of its position. The opposition proved that there is not a sustainable majority in the Commons for the freeze. By applying pressure on a point where many Tories feel vulnerable to public discontent, Jeremy Corbyn’s party is already testing – and shrinking – the boundaries of Mrs May’s independence in fiscal policy. Without reliable command of the Commons, she cannot claim to have a coherent economic plan. | Labour’s calls for an end to public sector pay freezes were defeated, but not before ministers wobbled and Downing Street was bounced into a chaotic clarification of its position. The opposition proved that there is not a sustainable majority in the Commons for the freeze. By applying pressure on a point where many Tories feel vulnerable to public discontent, Jeremy Corbyn’s party is already testing – and shrinking – the boundaries of Mrs May’s independence in fiscal policy. Without reliable command of the Commons, she cannot claim to have a coherent economic plan. |
| The same is true for Brexit. The government can no more rely on a parliamentary majority for the severe rupture envisaged in the Tory manifesto than it can count on support for unyielding austerity. A difference is that Labour’s opposition to cuts is focused, while its EU position is, from political necessity, something of a fudge. That has its own perils, as demonstrated by this evening’s sacking of Labour frontbenchers who rebelled by backing Chuka Umunna’s amendment demanding that the UK stay in the single market. | The same is true for Brexit. The government can no more rely on a parliamentary majority for the severe rupture envisaged in the Tory manifesto than it can count on support for unyielding austerity. A difference is that Labour’s opposition to cuts is focused, while its EU position is, from political necessity, something of a fudge. That has its own perils, as demonstrated by this evening’s sacking of Labour frontbenchers who rebelled by backing Chuka Umunna’s amendment demanding that the UK stay in the single market. |
| One way or another there are surely enough MPs alert to the hazards and follies of Mrs May’s approach thus far to apply legislative brakes. A strengthened parliament may not make for efficiency in affairs of state, but it is the necessary consequence of an election that leaves the Commons with no party having overall control. The UK is a parliamentary democracy, so the amplification of MP power is welcome – especially after a period of executive arrogance arising from the aggressive over-interpretation of a referendum result. | One way or another there are surely enough MPs alert to the hazards and follies of Mrs May’s approach thus far to apply legislative brakes. A strengthened parliament may not make for efficiency in affairs of state, but it is the necessary consequence of an election that leaves the Commons with no party having overall control. The UK is a parliamentary democracy, so the amplification of MP power is welcome – especially after a period of executive arrogance arising from the aggressive over-interpretation of a referendum result. |
| Before the election, Mrs May used to act as if her personal preferences on Brexit, and a lot else besides, were somehow synonymous with the “will of the people”. The days of denial are long behind her: this time she must concede that everything has changed. | Before the election, Mrs May used to act as if her personal preferences on Brexit, and a lot else besides, were somehow synonymous with the “will of the people”. The days of denial are long behind her: this time she must concede that everything has changed. |
| Queen's speech | |
| Opinion | |
| Theresa May | |
| Brexit | |
| Abortion | |
| Public sector pay | |
| editorials | |
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