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Le Pen’s Campaign Strategy Shift: Strong, but Soft Marine Le Pen’s Canny Use of Gender in Her Campaign
(about 5 hours later)
PARIS — Marine Le Pen is showing a little leg.PARIS — Marine Le Pen is showing a little leg.
Thigh, actually, in a new campaign poster of her in a short skirt that encapsulates her calculated, canny use of gender in her uphill campaign for the French presidency.Thigh, actually, in a new campaign poster of her in a short skirt that encapsulates her calculated, canny use of gender in her uphill campaign for the French presidency.
Though she usually wears pantsuits, her aides were quick to spin the image as a blow against Islamic fundamentalism, championing women’s rights to dress as they choose.Though she usually wears pantsuits, her aides were quick to spin the image as a blow against Islamic fundamentalism, championing women’s rights to dress as they choose.
The feminization of Marine Le Pen in the current campaign is a tactical shift, but an important one. The poster is part of a broader strategy to draw more female voters and soften the image of a party long treated as a pariah in France. The poster also showed her deliberate appropriation of feminism in the service of her party’s Islamophobic message.The feminization of Marine Le Pen in the current campaign is a tactical shift, but an important one. The poster is part of a broader strategy to draw more female voters and soften the image of a party long treated as a pariah in France. The poster also showed her deliberate appropriation of feminism in the service of her party’s Islamophobic message.
Before now, Ms. Le Pen has mainly transcended the barriers that hobble many other Frenchwomen in politics, somehow managing to be both woman and genderless at the same time.Before now, Ms. Le Pen has mainly transcended the barriers that hobble many other Frenchwomen in politics, somehow managing to be both woman and genderless at the same time.
Her father helped install her as party leader, pushing aside male rivals, while many other French female politicians have struggled for advancement within their own parties. So many voters focused on her ideology — her party’s virulent anti-immigrant, anti-Europe and past anti-Semitic stances — that her gender seemed secondary.Her father helped install her as party leader, pushing aside male rivals, while many other French female politicians have struggled for advancement within their own parties. So many voters focused on her ideology — her party’s virulent anti-immigrant, anti-Europe and past anti-Semitic stances — that her gender seemed secondary.
“She’s been around so long that it’s a little bit like Hillary Clinton — we forget that she’s a woman,” said Eugénie Bastié, a contributor to the conservative Le Figaro newspaper.“She’s been around so long that it’s a little bit like Hillary Clinton — we forget that she’s a woman,” said Eugénie Bastié, a contributor to the conservative Le Figaro newspaper.
Less so this time around. Ms. Le Pen’s strategists are determined to remind voters that she is, indeed, a woman. A slickly produced video shows her as a strong Everywoman — mother, lawyer and patriot of France (whose symbol, Marianne, is a woman). They have made her Marine, to distance her from a tainted family name.Less so this time around. Ms. Le Pen’s strategists are determined to remind voters that she is, indeed, a woman. A slickly produced video shows her as a strong Everywoman — mother, lawyer and patriot of France (whose symbol, Marianne, is a woman). They have made her Marine, to distance her from a tainted family name.
A four-page brochure laid out like a women’s magazine includes pictures of her holding one of her three children and calls her “a woman of heart and conviction.” She is quoted in the brochure as saying that “women can better perceive injustice” and that women are more inclined to “defense of the weakest.”A four-page brochure laid out like a women’s magazine includes pictures of her holding one of her three children and calls her “a woman of heart and conviction.” She is quoted in the brochure as saying that “women can better perceive injustice” and that women are more inclined to “defense of the weakest.”
Christian Delporte, a professor at the University of Versailles-Saint Quentin who specializes in political communication, said that while in the past Ms. Le Pen emphasized her identity as a working woman, the constant refrains about women and motherhood in this campaign helped sanitize the party’s image, to a degree.Christian Delporte, a professor at the University of Versailles-Saint Quentin who specializes in political communication, said that while in the past Ms. Le Pen emphasized her identity as a working woman, the constant refrains about women and motherhood in this campaign helped sanitize the party’s image, to a degree.
“What struck me is that even journalists started to refer to her as Marine, not Marine Le Pen,” he said. “It’s a strategy being a reassuring woman. She made us forget that on the big themes, like immigration, she hasn’t changed.”“What struck me is that even journalists started to refer to her as Marine, not Marine Le Pen,” he said. “It’s a strategy being a reassuring woman. She made us forget that on the big themes, like immigration, she hasn’t changed.”
Yet, at the same time, the party’s aggressive policies and her own confident, plain-spoken demeanor convey an authority French female politicians say is often denied to them.Yet, at the same time, the party’s aggressive policies and her own confident, plain-spoken demeanor convey an authority French female politicians say is often denied to them.
At a rally on May Day in the Paris suburb of Villepinte, Ms. Le Pen showed how she can campaign both as a strong, almost masculine figure, and as a woman. She wielded a deft political stiletto, taunting her opponent, Emmanuel Macron, as a weak, long-winded and out-of-touch elitist.At a rally on May Day in the Paris suburb of Villepinte, Ms. Le Pen showed how she can campaign both as a strong, almost masculine figure, and as a woman. She wielded a deft political stiletto, taunting her opponent, Emmanuel Macron, as a weak, long-winded and out-of-touch elitist.
But she also skillfully stoked patriotic themes, promising a better future for the children of France and leading the flag-waving crowd in an a cappella rendition of “La Marseillaise.” As Sandrine Rousseau, a Green Party legislator, pointed out, Ms. Le Pen’s speaking voice is deep, overcoming what Ms. Rousseau says is a frequent criticism of female politicians as shrill.But she also skillfully stoked patriotic themes, promising a better future for the children of France and leading the flag-waving crowd in an a cappella rendition of “La Marseillaise.” As Sandrine Rousseau, a Green Party legislator, pointed out, Ms. Le Pen’s speaking voice is deep, overcoming what Ms. Rousseau says is a frequent criticism of female politicians as shrill.
On Wednesday night, during a televised debate, Mr. Macron repeatedly dismissed her ideas as “stupidities,” but she struck back with equal force, skewering him as soft on terror and a heartless capitalist. It was another example of how Ms. Le Pen bends the usual gender dynamics — her own feisty presence precluded any sense that a man was being condescending or bullying toward a woman.On Wednesday night, during a televised debate, Mr. Macron repeatedly dismissed her ideas as “stupidities,” but she struck back with equal force, skewering him as soft on terror and a heartless capitalist. It was another example of how Ms. Le Pen bends the usual gender dynamics — her own feisty presence precluded any sense that a man was being condescending or bullying toward a woman.
Romain Lamiot, a 28-year-old longtime National Front supporter who carried his baby in his arms to the Villepinte rally, admiringly called her “punchy,” using a term not usually applied to women in French. “She has authority, directness,” he said. “She goes in the sea with the fishermen and can drink a beer with the farmers.”Romain Lamiot, a 28-year-old longtime National Front supporter who carried his baby in his arms to the Villepinte rally, admiringly called her “punchy,” using a term not usually applied to women in French. “She has authority, directness,” he said. “She goes in the sea with the fishermen and can drink a beer with the farmers.”
“I think men should be men and women, women,” said Evelyne Marin, a 53-year-old teacher at the rally. “She’s a strong woman, but very feminine. Unhappily, we don’t have a man who can be her equal.”“I think men should be men and women, women,” said Evelyne Marin, a 53-year-old teacher at the rally. “She’s a strong woman, but very feminine. Unhappily, we don’t have a man who can be her equal.”
Many French female politicians denounce her strategy as opportunistic, given that neither Ms. Le Pen nor her party has emphasized women’s rights in the past.Many French female politicians denounce her strategy as opportunistic, given that neither Ms. Le Pen nor her party has emphasized women’s rights in the past.
“For me, Marine Le Pen claiming to be waving the flag of women is a fraud,” said Valérie Pécresse, who served as budget minister in the right-leaning government of Nicolas Sarkozy and is now the president of the Île-de-France region. “It’s not called feminism, it’s called nepotism.”“For me, Marine Le Pen claiming to be waving the flag of women is a fraud,” said Valérie Pécresse, who served as budget minister in the right-leaning government of Nicolas Sarkozy and is now the president of the Île-de-France region. “It’s not called feminism, it’s called nepotism.”
The National Front platform planks on women call for equal pay, but largely focus on two major longstanding party priorities: encouraging larger families through a variety of government subsidies and protecting women’s freedoms against what is portrayed as oppressive Islamic customs like the veil.The National Front platform planks on women call for equal pay, but largely focus on two major longstanding party priorities: encouraging larger families through a variety of government subsidies and protecting women’s freedoms against what is portrayed as oppressive Islamic customs like the veil.
Ms. Le Pen has softened her previous stance on abortion, now saying it should be legal but used only as a last resort. She denounces but is a member of the European Parliament, where of 59 proposals advancing women’s rights put forward over 13 years she voted in favor of just three.Ms. Le Pen has softened her previous stance on abortion, now saying it should be legal but used only as a last resort. She denounces but is a member of the European Parliament, where of 59 proposals advancing women’s rights put forward over 13 years she voted in favor of just three.
Outside her own party, Ms. Le Pen has few female allies rallying to her in solidarity. “She is not defending or promoting women, she is promoting one woman only, herself,” said Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, who was also a minister in the Sarkozy government.Outside her own party, Ms. Le Pen has few female allies rallying to her in solidarity. “She is not defending or promoting women, she is promoting one woman only, herself,” said Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, who was also a minister in the Sarkozy government.
She and Ms. Bastié say they believe that Ms. Le Pen has succeeded in part because the appeal of French traditional feminism of the left may be ebbing. “We are looking for a new feminism,” Ms. Kosciusko-Morizet said. “And Marine Le Pen has gotten inside this crevice, this lack inside the French political system.”She and Ms. Bastié say they believe that Ms. Le Pen has succeeded in part because the appeal of French traditional feminism of the left may be ebbing. “We are looking for a new feminism,” Ms. Kosciusko-Morizet said. “And Marine Le Pen has gotten inside this crevice, this lack inside the French political system.”
Indeed, parity for women is rare across French society, despite a law obliging political parties to nominate an equal number of men and women as candidates. Just 27 percent of legislators in the National Assembly and 25 percent in the Senate are women. Half of university students are women, but just 15.6 percent are university presidents. Women represent half the audience for radio and 8 percent of radio hosts. There are two women presidents in France’s equivalent of the Fortune 500, and not one chief executive.Indeed, parity for women is rare across French society, despite a law obliging political parties to nominate an equal number of men and women as candidates. Just 27 percent of legislators in the National Assembly and 25 percent in the Senate are women. Half of university students are women, but just 15.6 percent are university presidents. Women represent half the audience for radio and 8 percent of radio hosts. There are two women presidents in France’s equivalent of the Fortune 500, and not one chief executive.
Ms. Pécresse, president of the Île-de-France, has had to make her own slow way up the ladder of French politics, and she said the journey was arduous. Even after 12 years of paying her dues, she said, men in her own party were reluctant to allow her to run for the prestigious post she just won.Ms. Pécresse, president of the Île-de-France, has had to make her own slow way up the ladder of French politics, and she said the journey was arduous. Even after 12 years of paying her dues, she said, men in her own party were reluctant to allow her to run for the prestigious post she just won.
She, Ms. Koscuisko-Morizet and Ms. Rousseau described French politics as an unapologetically macho game. Men simply have easier access to the male-dominated formal and informal political networks so important to winning votes and being chosen to run for local office.She, Ms. Koscuisko-Morizet and Ms. Rousseau described French politics as an unapologetically macho game. Men simply have easier access to the male-dominated formal and informal political networks so important to winning votes and being chosen to run for local office.
Overt harassment abounds. Ms. Rousseau was one of more than a dozen women who accused a Green Party legislator, Denis Baupin, of forcing himself on them; in her case, he pushed her up against a wall and kissed her against her will. Another regional legislator gave her the traditional French double kiss and pat on the back in greeting — and undid her bra.Overt harassment abounds. Ms. Rousseau was one of more than a dozen women who accused a Green Party legislator, Denis Baupin, of forcing himself on them; in her case, he pushed her up against a wall and kissed her against her will. Another regional legislator gave her the traditional French double kiss and pat on the back in greeting — and undid her bra.
In two widely publicized incidents, a female minister wore a flowery dress to testify in Parliament and faced catcalls to take it off; and a legislator started clucking like a chicken when one of his female colleagues began to speak.In two widely publicized incidents, a female minister wore a flowery dress to testify in Parliament and faced catcalls to take it off; and a legislator started clucking like a chicken when one of his female colleagues began to speak.
And then there are the more subtle barriers, ones that confront American female politicians as well. “When newspapers write a story about a woman in politics, they write about the way she dresses,” Ms. Rousseau said. “Of course after one has written that, we cannot be a political leader, manage millions of euros, make war … ” Once again, Ms. Le Pen turned that political vulnerability upside down.And then there are the more subtle barriers, ones that confront American female politicians as well. “When newspapers write a story about a woman in politics, they write about the way she dresses,” Ms. Rousseau said. “Of course after one has written that, we cannot be a political leader, manage millions of euros, make war … ” Once again, Ms. Le Pen turned that political vulnerability upside down.
Perhaps France’s most famous woman, one that the National Front celebrates every May Day, is Joan of Arc. “And we don’t all want to end up burned at the stake,” Ms. Koscuisko-Morizet said.Perhaps France’s most famous woman, one that the National Front celebrates every May Day, is Joan of Arc. “And we don’t all want to end up burned at the stake,” Ms. Koscuisko-Morizet said.
Whatever the ironies, and even if Ms. Le Pen falls short, as the polls suggest, political analysts here say that her gender strategy is one of the reasons the National Front has gained ground — although she has long worked at repositioning the party, expelling her father and playing down its anti-Semitic past.Whatever the ironies, and even if Ms. Le Pen falls short, as the polls suggest, political analysts here say that her gender strategy is one of the reasons the National Front has gained ground — although she has long worked at repositioning the party, expelling her father and playing down its anti-Semitic past.
An analysis of the National Front results in 2012 by Nonna Mayer, a sociologist at Sciences Po university and specialist on right-wing French parties, showed that Ms. Le Pen had virtually eliminated a longstanding gender gap, attracting as many women voters as men. She drew strong support from women in low-paid, low-skilled service jobs like cashiers.An analysis of the National Front results in 2012 by Nonna Mayer, a sociologist at Sciences Po university and specialist on right-wing French parties, showed that Ms. Le Pen had virtually eliminated a longstanding gender gap, attracting as many women voters as men. She drew strong support from women in low-paid, low-skilled service jobs like cashiers.
“She is proud of being a mother of three children, living out of wedlock, she has divorced twice,” Ms. Mayer said. “She gives the image of a modern working woman who does politics.”“She is proud of being a mother of three children, living out of wedlock, she has divorced twice,” Ms. Mayer said. “She gives the image of a modern working woman who does politics.”