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| Marine Le Pen, a Fierce Campaigner, Heads to Finale in French Election | Marine Le Pen, a Fierce Campaigner, Heads to Finale in French Election |
| (35 minutes later) | |
| NICE, France — The lights dimmed and the music steadily built. Ravel’s “Bolero,” at once martial and sensual, wrapped the crowd in its sinister embrace, the atmosphere laced with menace. The audience murmured in the dark, expectant, awaiting deliverance. | NICE, France — The lights dimmed and the music steadily built. Ravel’s “Bolero,” at once martial and sensual, wrapped the crowd in its sinister embrace, the atmosphere laced with menace. The audience murmured in the dark, expectant, awaiting deliverance. |
| It came in a carefully orchestrated burst of bright lights and radiant chords. The far-right presidential candidate of the National Front, Marine Le Pen, strode onto the stage, beaming. The symbolism was obvious. The darkness enveloping the hall, and France, could lift. | It came in a carefully orchestrated burst of bright lights and radiant chords. The far-right presidential candidate of the National Front, Marine Le Pen, strode onto the stage, beaming. The symbolism was obvious. The darkness enveloping the hall, and France, could lift. |
| Darkness and light: For most of her career, ever since Ms. Le Pen, now 48, broke into the political spotlight 15 years ago as the daughter and defender of the National Front’s patriarch, Jean-Marie, her path has been defined by their interplay. “She busted the TV screen wide open!” he once admiringly told an interviewer of that moment. | Darkness and light: For most of her career, ever since Ms. Le Pen, now 48, broke into the political spotlight 15 years ago as the daughter and defender of the National Front’s patriarch, Jean-Marie, her path has been defined by their interplay. “She busted the TV screen wide open!” he once admiringly told an interviewer of that moment. |
| To her admirers, she still does. Her speech before an adoring crowd of thousands in Nice last week juxtaposed the threats posed by immigrants, Islam, globalization and banks with her fierce will to crush them. And sometimes her words also offered a shaft of light. “My dear compatriots, I’m not interested in your race, your origin, your sexual orientation,” she said. “What interests me is your happiness.” | To her admirers, she still does. Her speech before an adoring crowd of thousands in Nice last week juxtaposed the threats posed by immigrants, Islam, globalization and banks with her fierce will to crush them. And sometimes her words also offered a shaft of light. “My dear compatriots, I’m not interested in your race, your origin, your sexual orientation,” she said. “What interests me is your happiness.” |
| Now a global figure, a far-right populist who has threatened to bring down the European Union, Ms. Le Pen is at the threshold of power as France prepares for the final round of voting for president on Sunday. Her odds, judging by the polls, are long. But even if she does not succeed against the independent centrist Emmanuel Macron, Ms. Le Pen is likely to be a powerful fixture of French politics for years to come. She is a political veteran, a fierce debater and perhaps the ablest campaigner in the entire French political spectrum. | Now a global figure, a far-right populist who has threatened to bring down the European Union, Ms. Le Pen is at the threshold of power as France prepares for the final round of voting for president on Sunday. Her odds, judging by the polls, are long. But even if she does not succeed against the independent centrist Emmanuel Macron, Ms. Le Pen is likely to be a powerful fixture of French politics for years to come. She is a political veteran, a fierce debater and perhaps the ablest campaigner in the entire French political spectrum. |
| Yet she has made a risky bargain. She has cast off the xenophobic legacy of the National Front, and she has not. Her father never swayed from the hardest, most hate-filled of political lines. The daughter aspires to the presidency. She has made a very public campaign of “un-demonizing” — shedding the party’s bigoted heritage — even as skeptics still wonder if the effort is more tactical than genuine. Her unspoken gamble is that she can keep the National Front legacy even as she reassures millions of French that she has transcended it. | Yet she has made a risky bargain. She has cast off the xenophobic legacy of the National Front, and she has not. Her father never swayed from the hardest, most hate-filled of political lines. The daughter aspires to the presidency. She has made a very public campaign of “un-demonizing” — shedding the party’s bigoted heritage — even as skeptics still wonder if the effort is more tactical than genuine. Her unspoken gamble is that she can keep the National Front legacy even as she reassures millions of French that she has transcended it. |
| Seven months ago, when Donald J. Trump won the American presidential election, Ms. Le Pen suddenly seemed part of a global populist vanguard. But if that populist surge appears to be peaking — for now — it is also true that Ms. Le Pen is no Mr. Trump. | Seven months ago, when Donald J. Trump won the American presidential election, Ms. Le Pen suddenly seemed part of a global populist vanguard. But if that populist surge appears to be peaking — for now — it is also true that Ms. Le Pen is no Mr. Trump. |
| Unlike him, she does not improvise her policies, which are the product of a decades-long honing of National Front ideology. That ideology is not sui generis, unlike Mr. Trump’s. Its roots are in classic French far-right thinking going back 100 years or more. Indeed, some reputable scholars think that France, not Italy, was the true birthplace of fascism at the turn of the 20th century. | Unlike him, she does not improvise her policies, which are the product of a decades-long honing of National Front ideology. That ideology is not sui generis, unlike Mr. Trump’s. Its roots are in classic French far-right thinking going back 100 years or more. Indeed, some reputable scholars think that France, not Italy, was the true birthplace of fascism at the turn of the 20th century. |
| And she speaks in polished, complete sentences, informed by her training as a lawyer and by the advisers, some well versed in old French far-right doctrines, who surround her. She easily jousts with reporters, even while working a crowd, brushing off a British television reporter who questioned her electoral potential at one stop with a quotation from the right-wing Roman Catholic author George Bernanos. | And she speaks in polished, complete sentences, informed by her training as a lawyer and by the advisers, some well versed in old French far-right doctrines, who surround her. She easily jousts with reporters, even while working a crowd, brushing off a British television reporter who questioned her electoral potential at one stop with a quotation from the right-wing Roman Catholic author George Bernanos. |
| “She’s not cultivated, but she has a pretty extraordinary memory,” said Aymeric Chauprade, a member of the European Parliament and a onetime favorite of Ms. Le Pen’s who fell out with her. “She’s got a huge capacity to assimilate. She’s very skillful.” | “She’s not cultivated, but she has a pretty extraordinary memory,” said Aymeric Chauprade, a member of the European Parliament and a onetime favorite of Ms. Le Pen’s who fell out with her. “She’s got a huge capacity to assimilate. She’s very skillful.” |
| French economists, political analysts and think tanks are virtually united in predicting a crisis for France if Ms. Le Pen is elected. Her plan to take France out of the eurozone would lead to an immediate devaluation of any new national currency, with devastating effect on her core base of supporters, economists say. Her stigmatization of immigrants would exacerbate social tensions in already edgy suburbs. | French economists, political analysts and think tanks are virtually united in predicting a crisis for France if Ms. Le Pen is elected. Her plan to take France out of the eurozone would lead to an immediate devaluation of any new national currency, with devastating effect on her core base of supporters, economists say. Her stigmatization of immigrants would exacerbate social tensions in already edgy suburbs. |
| Yet in many parts of France, her appeal is undeniable. Hatred of the political establishment — seen as responsible for France’s economic stagnation, its persistent unemployment rate of 10 percent, its shuttered factories and its waves of immigrants — provides her with a powerful boost. In person and on the campaign trail, the twice-divorced mother of three conveys tough frankness in familiar, gravelly tones conditioned by years of smoking — an alluring combination to growing ranks of French voters. | Yet in many parts of France, her appeal is undeniable. Hatred of the political establishment — seen as responsible for France’s economic stagnation, its persistent unemployment rate of 10 percent, its shuttered factories and its waves of immigrants — provides her with a powerful boost. In person and on the campaign trail, the twice-divorced mother of three conveys tough frankness in familiar, gravelly tones conditioned by years of smoking — an alluring combination to growing ranks of French voters. |
| Her campaign posters are affixed across the country, subtle reminders of her efforts to run from the past. There is no mention of the National Front, and its associations with anti-Semitism, racism, and nostalgia for France’s collaboration with the Nazis. Even the Le Pen name, tied to her father, is absent. There is just her recognizable face and her recognizable given name, Marine. She is the brand; the National Front is the unspoken subtext of her politics. | Her campaign posters are affixed across the country, subtle reminders of her efforts to run from the past. There is no mention of the National Front, and its associations with anti-Semitism, racism, and nostalgia for France’s collaboration with the Nazis. Even the Le Pen name, tied to her father, is absent. There is just her recognizable face and her recognizable given name, Marine. She is the brand; the National Front is the unspoken subtext of her politics. |
| That recognition is the result of a life in the spotlight, if often in the shadow of her father, whose cronies once sneered at the young upstart, a wealthy heiress with a fondness for Champagne and parties — until she took leadership of the party from him in 2011 and cast him out in 2015. | That recognition is the result of a life in the spotlight, if often in the shadow of her father, whose cronies once sneered at the young upstart, a wealthy heiress with a fondness for Champagne and parties — until she took leadership of the party from him in 2011 and cast him out in 2015. |
| “She got up there with all her awkwardness, and she had a freshness, with her round cheeks,” Jean-Claude Martinez, one of her father’s old party associates, recalled of Ms. Le Pen’s early appearances in the news media, which thrust her into the national consciousness. “The world discovered her. She was born in the media.” | “She got up there with all her awkwardness, and she had a freshness, with her round cheeks,” Jean-Claude Martinez, one of her father’s old party associates, recalled of Ms. Le Pen’s early appearances in the news media, which thrust her into the national consciousness. “The world discovered her. She was born in the media.” |
| At the raucous rallies that pack in thousands, many proudly trace their allegiance back to her overthrown father. But under the daughter, the National Front’s appeal has grown steadily. She got over seven million votes in the election’s first round, on April 23, a million more than in 2015 regional elections, and nearly two million more than her father received in 2002. | At the raucous rallies that pack in thousands, many proudly trace their allegiance back to her overthrown father. But under the daughter, the National Front’s appeal has grown steadily. She got over seven million votes in the election’s first round, on April 23, a million more than in 2015 regional elections, and nearly two million more than her father received in 2002. |
| “She’s permanently underestimated,” said Jean-Lin Lacapelle, a top aide and friend to Ms. Le Pen, with a long history of National Front activism. “Macron is the candidate of the system.” | “She’s permanently underestimated,” said Jean-Lin Lacapelle, a top aide and friend to Ms. Le Pen, with a long history of National Front activism. “Macron is the candidate of the system.” |
| Her critics regard her as a dangerous nationalist and demagogue. Her supporters interpret her willingness to cast blame on “the system,” “the oligarchy” and especially immigrants as proof of her sincerity. | Her critics regard her as a dangerous nationalist and demagogue. Her supporters interpret her willingness to cast blame on “the system,” “the oligarchy” and especially immigrants as proof of her sincerity. |
| “It’s the truthfulness with which she expresses herself,” said Michel Duvernet, a middle-aged shopkeeper from the southern town of Cogolin, explaining why he had come to Ms. Le Pen’s rally in the coastal city of St.-Raphaël in March. | “It’s the truthfulness with which she expresses herself,” said Michel Duvernet, a middle-aged shopkeeper from the southern town of Cogolin, explaining why he had come to Ms. Le Pen’s rally in the coastal city of St.-Raphaël in March. |
| “Also, the simplicity of her words,” said Mr. Duvernet, praising Ms. Le Pen for putting her finger on what he called “the Islamic unbearableness of what we live every day,” in the speech she had just given. | “Also, the simplicity of her words,” said Mr. Duvernet, praising Ms. Le Pen for putting her finger on what he called “the Islamic unbearableness of what we live every day,” in the speech she had just given. |
| “Plus, she just reaches out to ordinary people,” he said. | “Plus, she just reaches out to ordinary people,” he said. |
| Raymond Herbreteau, a physical education coach from the Orne administrative department, who traveled to Ms. Le Pen’s rally in the western city of Nantes in February, spoke of Ms. Le Pen filling a new vacuum in French politics. | Raymond Herbreteau, a physical education coach from the Orne administrative department, who traveled to Ms. Le Pen’s rally in the western city of Nantes in February, spoke of Ms. Le Pen filling a new vacuum in French politics. |
| “She sticks to the same line, of sovereignty,” Mr. Herbreteau said. “Besides, the left isn’t even the left any more. They’re for globalization and capitalism. More and more are convinced by her.” | “She sticks to the same line, of sovereignty,” Mr. Herbreteau said. “Besides, the left isn’t even the left any more. They’re for globalization and capitalism. More and more are convinced by her.” |
| For the unconvinced, Ms. Le Pen has staged the elaborate “un-demonizing” of her party, as even her aides put it, in the full glare of the public spotlight. As ultimate proof, she presents an act of “violence,” as she put it in a television interview Sunday night: the expulsion of her own father from the party after yet another anti-Semitic outburst. | For the unconvinced, Ms. Le Pen has staged the elaborate “un-demonizing” of her party, as even her aides put it, in the full glare of the public spotlight. As ultimate proof, she presents an act of “violence,” as she put it in a television interview Sunday night: the expulsion of her own father from the party after yet another anti-Semitic outburst. |
| “For the higher interest of the nation, you’ve got to be capable of hurting yourself,” she said. “And that did hurt me, because I am a daughter,” she told the interviewer, explaining her decision to get rid of her father. | “For the higher interest of the nation, you’ve got to be capable of hurting yourself,” she said. “And that did hurt me, because I am a daughter,” she told the interviewer, explaining her decision to get rid of her father. |
| What part of it is sincere, and what part is mere political calculation? | What part of it is sincere, and what part is mere political calculation? |
| “For 40 years, she had been hearing exactly the same things” from her father, “and it did not bother her in the slightest,” said Mr. Martinez, Mr. Le Pen’s old associate. | “For 40 years, she had been hearing exactly the same things” from her father, “and it did not bother her in the slightest,” said Mr. Martinez, Mr. Le Pen’s old associate. |
| Her aides, often close personal friends in the National Front’s clannish culture, reject this view. | Her aides, often close personal friends in the National Front’s clannish culture, reject this view. |
| “Le Pen is a man of the 19th century,” said Philippe Péninque, a former lawyer and consultant who is often described as Ms. Le Pen’s eminence grise. “And Marine is a woman thoroughly of her time.” | |
| “She’s got the French national heritage stapled to her being, but modernized,” he added. | “She’s got the French national heritage stapled to her being, but modernized,” he added. |
| The record suggests a constant shifting back and forth: edging away from her father’s worldview, and then edging back toward it, or at least part of it. | The record suggests a constant shifting back and forth: edging away from her father’s worldview, and then edging back toward it, or at least part of it. |
| Her first big break with her father, in 2005, came after he called the German wartime occupation of France “not particularly inhumane.” Furious over his maintaining what she called a “counterproductive” strategy, she fled with her children to the family’s seaside villa and began writing her autobiography. Despite the split, she remained important in the party hierarchy. | Her first big break with her father, in 2005, came after he called the German wartime occupation of France “not particularly inhumane.” Furious over his maintaining what she called a “counterproductive” strategy, she fled with her children to the family’s seaside villa and began writing her autobiography. Despite the split, she remained important in the party hierarchy. |
| After 2010 regional elections, when Ms. Le Pen did well, she began to consolidate her hold on the National Front. That same year, she described the Muslim presence in France as an “occupation,” a remark that brought her to court on charges of inciting religious hatred. | After 2010 regional elections, when Ms. Le Pen did well, she began to consolidate her hold on the National Front. That same year, she described the Muslim presence in France as an “occupation,” a remark that brought her to court on charges of inciting religious hatred. |
| After she gained control of the party in 2011, she went on television to declare the Nazi camps “the height of barbarity” — a clear break with years of National Front policy. | After she gained control of the party in 2011, she went on television to declare the Nazi camps “the height of barbarity” — a clear break with years of National Front policy. |
| In the current campaign, she has repeatedly found herself on the defensive over the issue, clumsily denying France’s responsibility in a wartime roundup of Jews, and forced to accept the resignation of an interim party president whose old Holocaust-denying remarks had been dredged up. Ms. Le Pen called the reports a “defamation.” | In the current campaign, she has repeatedly found herself on the defensive over the issue, clumsily denying France’s responsibility in a wartime roundup of Jews, and forced to accept the resignation of an interim party president whose old Holocaust-denying remarks had been dredged up. Ms. Le Pen called the reports a “defamation.” |
| Mr. Péninque said the Parisian preoccupation with the National Front’s antecedents meant nothing to the electorate, and was actually helpful to the party. Opponents dredged up the issue “because they don’t have any other arguments. It’s not a debate. And it’s only going to help the Front.” | Mr. Péninque said the Parisian preoccupation with the National Front’s antecedents meant nothing to the electorate, and was actually helpful to the party. Opponents dredged up the issue “because they don’t have any other arguments. It’s not a debate. And it’s only going to help the Front.” |
| Mr. Chauprade was more categorical. “She’s got an enormous capacity to lie,” he said. | Mr. Chauprade was more categorical. “She’s got an enormous capacity to lie,” he said. |