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| In a Week, Trump Reshapes Decades of Perceptions About America | In a Week, Trump Reshapes Decades of Perceptions About America |
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| WASHINGTON — By some measures, President Trump has altered the perception of American foreign policy more in the past seven days than his predecessors did in the past seven decades. | WASHINGTON — By some measures, President Trump has altered the perception of American foreign policy more in the past seven days than his predecessors did in the past seven decades. |
| A nation that built its brand around the world as open to the world’s needy and ambitious is now viewed, after Mr. Trump’s immigration executive order, as closing its doors in a way it never did even after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. Twenty years of stop-and-go efforts to rebuild a relationship with Mexico — on trade, counterterrorism and drug interdiction — crashed into an avoidable blowup with the Mexican president, Enrique Peña Nieto, who canceled his visit here. | A nation that built its brand around the world as open to the world’s needy and ambitious is now viewed, after Mr. Trump’s immigration executive order, as closing its doors in a way it never did even after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. Twenty years of stop-and-go efforts to rebuild a relationship with Mexico — on trade, counterterrorism and drug interdiction — crashed into an avoidable blowup with the Mexican president, Enrique Peña Nieto, who canceled his visit here. |
| When Prime Minister Theresa May of Britain came for what appeared to be a largely successful visit, Mr. Trump’s first by the leader of a close ally, she spoke of maintaining sanctions on Russia until it met its commitments on Ukraine. Mr. Trump stayed silent. After he spoke the next day to President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, the official readout provided by the White House made no mention of Ukraine, or of the information-warfare operation to influence the American election that led President Barack Obama, in his last days in office, to issue new sanctions. | When Prime Minister Theresa May of Britain came for what appeared to be a largely successful visit, Mr. Trump’s first by the leader of a close ally, she spoke of maintaining sanctions on Russia until it met its commitments on Ukraine. Mr. Trump stayed silent. After he spoke the next day to President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, the official readout provided by the White House made no mention of Ukraine, or of the information-warfare operation to influence the American election that led President Barack Obama, in his last days in office, to issue new sanctions. |
| Perception is different from reality. It is possible that when viewed from a distance of a few years, Mr. Trump’s pronouncements about “extreme vetting” and his rush to push some of America’s most experienced career diplomats out of their jobs will look like a first-week blitz intended to send a message to the world that he meant what he said when he talked about “America First.” | Perception is different from reality. It is possible that when viewed from a distance of a few years, Mr. Trump’s pronouncements about “extreme vetting” and his rush to push some of America’s most experienced career diplomats out of their jobs will look like a first-week blitz intended to send a message to the world that he meant what he said when he talked about “America First.” |
| In a statement on Sunday, Mr. Trump appeared to try to soften his action, arguing that “this is not a Muslim ban, as the media is falsely reporting.” He promised to “find ways to help all those who are suffering,” words that were missing on Friday when he announced that all refugees from Syria would be barred from entry to the United States, indefinitely. | In a statement on Sunday, Mr. Trump appeared to try to soften his action, arguing that “this is not a Muslim ban, as the media is falsely reporting.” He promised to “find ways to help all those who are suffering,” words that were missing on Friday when he announced that all refugees from Syria would be barred from entry to the United States, indefinitely. |
| “It’s one week in,” Robert M. Gates, the former secretary of defense and C.I.A. director, said on ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday. “Every administration I’ve worked for begins with a flurry of executive orders” meant to distinguish itself from it predecessor. | “It’s one week in,” Robert M. Gates, the former secretary of defense and C.I.A. director, said on ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday. “Every administration I’ve worked for begins with a flurry of executive orders” meant to distinguish itself from it predecessor. |
| But Mr. Gates, who has served eight presidents, of both parties, quickly added that Mr. Trump risks accelerating a sense of an America that is pulling back and putting up walls, leaving a power vacuum around the globe. | But Mr. Gates, who has served eight presidents, of both parties, quickly added that Mr. Trump risks accelerating a sense of an America that is pulling back and putting up walls, leaving a power vacuum around the globe. |
| “That vacuum will not be filled by benign forces,” he said. Two other prominent, establishment Republicans, Senators John McCain of Arizona and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, called the lumping together in the immigration order of a major adversary, Iran, with an ally, Iraq, one of many reasons that the moves are “a self-inflicted wound in the fight against terrorism.” | |
| Mr. Trump is hardly the first president to announce shifts in policy that surprised allies and upturned the existing order. President Richard M. Nixon’s decision to abandon the gold standard and to recognize China were shocks to the system. So was President George W. Bush’s decision to invade Iraq, though it was telegraphed for more than a year, as was Mr. Obama’s decision to strike a nuclear accord with Iran and to reopen diplomatic relations with Cuba. | Mr. Trump is hardly the first president to announce shifts in policy that surprised allies and upturned the existing order. President Richard M. Nixon’s decision to abandon the gold standard and to recognize China were shocks to the system. So was President George W. Bush’s decision to invade Iraq, though it was telegraphed for more than a year, as was Mr. Obama’s decision to strike a nuclear accord with Iran and to reopen diplomatic relations with Cuba. |
| But in the case of Mr. Trump, there is a sense that the rush for change has superseded a study of unintended consequences. | But in the case of Mr. Trump, there is a sense that the rush for change has superseded a study of unintended consequences. |
| The ban on immigration and visitors from seven nations came with minimal, if any, input from the State Department about the regional fallout — as did Mr. Trump’s declaration that he intends to move the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. The absence of advance thinking about how to deal with green card holders and Iraqi interpreters who were promised entry to the United States in return for their service to American troops forced the White House to amend its interpretations of the order less than 48 hours after Mr. Trump signed it. | The ban on immigration and visitors from seven nations came with minimal, if any, input from the State Department about the regional fallout — as did Mr. Trump’s declaration that he intends to move the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. The absence of advance thinking about how to deal with green card holders and Iraqi interpreters who were promised entry to the United States in return for their service to American troops forced the White House to amend its interpretations of the order less than 48 hours after Mr. Trump signed it. |
| It was all symptomatic of a new president eager to tweet first and work out details later. “This is policy by thunderbolt,” said Joseph Nye, a Harvard professor who served as the head of the National Intelligence Council and has written extensively on how the United States can gain leverage from its “soft power” — the attractiveness of its culture and democracy. “You don’t want to tear up 70 years of foreign policy until you think hard about what replaces it.” | It was all symptomatic of a new president eager to tweet first and work out details later. “This is policy by thunderbolt,” said Joseph Nye, a Harvard professor who served as the head of the National Intelligence Council and has written extensively on how the United States can gain leverage from its “soft power” — the attractiveness of its culture and democracy. “You don’t want to tear up 70 years of foreign policy until you think hard about what replaces it.” |
| But inside the halls of the State Department, where Rex W. Tillerson, the pick for secretary of state, has just begun to find his way around, there is definitely the sense among career diplomats that this is Year Zero. | But inside the halls of the State Department, where Rex W. Tillerson, the pick for secretary of state, has just begun to find his way around, there is definitely the sense among career diplomats that this is Year Zero. |
| Last week, the “landing team” of Trump designees told several of the department’s most senior diplomats — career officials, some with decades of service — to clear out of their offices. Almost all had submitted their resignations, the protocol when administrations changed, but had volunteered to stay on for a month or two until successors were appointed, to ensure that State Department facilities were safe, American citizens were evacuated from perilous places and passports were issued. | Last week, the “landing team” of Trump designees told several of the department’s most senior diplomats — career officials, some with decades of service — to clear out of their offices. Almost all had submitted their resignations, the protocol when administrations changed, but had volunteered to stay on for a month or two until successors were appointed, to ensure that State Department facilities were safe, American citizens were evacuated from perilous places and passports were issued. |
| The Trump team made it clear it had no interest in transitions. (Mr. Tillerson also never met one-on-one with his predecessor, John Kerry, before the inauguration.) | The Trump team made it clear it had no interest in transitions. (Mr. Tillerson also never met one-on-one with his predecessor, John Kerry, before the inauguration.) |
| It was not exactly a purge, but the fact remains that some of the government’s most experienced diplomats have moved on — including some of the highest-ranking women in the department. Among them is Anne Patterson, 67, the assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs and a former ambassador to Pakistan and Egypt, two of the biggest tinderboxes Mr. Trump will face. Victoria J. Nuland, 55, one of the department’s top Russia experts and former ambassador to NATO, who dealt with the Ukraine crisis, decided to retire after concluding there was probably no place for her in Mr. Trump’s administration. | It was not exactly a purge, but the fact remains that some of the government’s most experienced diplomats have moved on — including some of the highest-ranking women in the department. Among them is Anne Patterson, 67, the assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs and a former ambassador to Pakistan and Egypt, two of the biggest tinderboxes Mr. Trump will face. Victoria J. Nuland, 55, one of the department’s top Russia experts and former ambassador to NATO, who dealt with the Ukraine crisis, decided to retire after concluding there was probably no place for her in Mr. Trump’s administration. |
| Such a housecleaning leaves open the question of whether Mr. Tillerson, who has extensive experience abroad as chief executive of Exxon Mobil but none as a diplomat, will have the kind of help he needs in a very different kind of enterprise than negotiating on behalf of the world’s largest oil company. | Such a housecleaning leaves open the question of whether Mr. Tillerson, who has extensive experience abroad as chief executive of Exxon Mobil but none as a diplomat, will have the kind of help he needs in a very different kind of enterprise than negotiating on behalf of the world’s largest oil company. |
| In such an atmosphere, even seemingly routine moves — like the reorganization of the National Security Council — take on a political air. On Sunday, Mr. Trump’s chief strategist, and chief ideologue, Stephen K. Bannon, was designated a permanent member of the “principals committee” of the National Security Council, putting a political aide on par with the secretaries of state and defense. Meanwhile, the director of national intelligence and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff appeared to be downgraded, told to attend only when their issues were on the table. | In such an atmosphere, even seemingly routine moves — like the reorganization of the National Security Council — take on a political air. On Sunday, Mr. Trump’s chief strategist, and chief ideologue, Stephen K. Bannon, was designated a permanent member of the “principals committee” of the National Security Council, putting a political aide on par with the secretaries of state and defense. Meanwhile, the director of national intelligence and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff appeared to be downgraded, told to attend only when their issues were on the table. |
| “This is stone cold crazy,” Susan E. Rice, the national security adviser until earlier this month, wrote in a Twitter post. “Who needs military advice or intell to make policy on ISIL, Syria, Afghanistan, DPRK?” she said, using acronyms for the Islamic State and North Korea. | “This is stone cold crazy,” Susan E. Rice, the national security adviser until earlier this month, wrote in a Twitter post. “Who needs military advice or intell to make policy on ISIL, Syria, Afghanistan, DPRK?” she said, using acronyms for the Islamic State and North Korea. |
| Mr. Trump’s answer is simple: When you have come to upend the establishment, the establishment must vacate the premises. | Mr. Trump’s answer is simple: When you have come to upend the establishment, the establishment must vacate the premises. |