France Fears Becoming Too ‘Anglo-Saxon’ in Its Treatment of Minorities

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/20/world/europe/france-minorities-assimilation.html

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PARIS — France is frightened about many things these days, terrorism above all. But there is another fear — raised recently by prominent politicians on the right and on the left — of slipping into an acceptance of what is often called an Anglo-Saxon multicultural model, in which ethnic communities live separately, even autonomously.

The idea that this model, or “communautarisme,” should be so repellent can be baffling to Anglo-Saxons, largely understood by the French to be British and Americans who, for the most part, stopped thinking of themselves exclusively in such narrow terms long ago.

France’s idea of an Anglo-Saxon model has meant many things over the last century, sometimes referring to liberal capitalism, rampant individualism, consumerism or, in the view of President Charles de Gaulle, the threat of a global hegemony based on American power and the English language.

But today the perceived Anglo-Saxon threat is about the breakdown of France into distinct communities based on ethnic identity. Prime Minister Manuel Valls referred to this obliquely in criticizing a New York Times article about the European experience of Muslim women, who described a day to day “struggle.” Mr. Valls, a Socialist, stressed that “France, as distinct from other countries, does not see itself as a juxtaposition of communities, each with their autonomous path.”

Nicolas Sarkozy, the former president now seeking his conservative party’s nomination for next year’s presidential election, was more explicit in his latest book. Calling for a muscular defense of the French identity, he wrote, “We are not like the Anglo-Saxons who let communities live side by side, ignoring each other and at any rate not mixing.”

The issue is not just whether the French model, which emphasizes integration or assimilation into a single identity, is succeeding or not these days. The question is also why the British and American experience with immigration is viewed through such a skewed lens.

Both countries have long traditions of tolerating multiple identities and community-based politics, which produces candidates who represent ethnic groups and their concerns.

Unlike France, the United States and Britain allow census figures on ethnic origins and religious affiliations, and celebrations of diverse identities are encouraged.

That is not to say that racism and de facto segregation are not stubborn realities in the United States and Britain, with issues like police violence against black men growing more visible rather than less. This year, appeals to nativist sentiments helped propel Britain’s decision to leave the European Union and are fueling Donald J. Trump’s campaign for president. In both countries, economic and social mobility can be limited by race and ethnicity.

Still, that hardly adds up to societies divided into autonomous neighborhoods that shun contact with one another, an exaggeration that would surprise recent immigrants who live in the swirling mix of cultures that define London, New York and other cities.

So what is it that makes the Anglo-Saxon model so scary to the French today? Emile Chabal, a professor of modern French history at the University of Edinburgh, traces it to France’s deeply held faith in a single, indivisible republic that makes no distinction among its citizens.

“Within French republicanism, which is today the dominant political language, the fear of fragmentation is very powerful and very real,” Mr. Chabal said in an interview. “This means any political process that is seen to encourage that — community leaders, accommodations to certain groups — is seen as a threat to the unity of the nation.”

So why is the threat of a creeping Anglo-Saxon model being brandished in France today? Mr. Chabal said it was a political response based on a “double lie,” one that is a misreading of life on the ground in Britain and the United States, as well as a denial of reality in France.

In fact, he said, the differences between the two approaches are narrowing. In France, despite their allegiance to republican values, local politicians are compelled to deal with competing concerns of diverse communities. “It is the reality of a pluralistic society,” Mr. Chabal said. “Pressure groups are part and parcel of modern democracy.”