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| Confronting corruption: can Guadalajara become a model for transparency? | Confronting corruption: can Guadalajara become a model for transparency? |
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| When María Guadalupe Aguilar reported the disappearance of her 34-year-old son José Luis Arana on the outskirts of Guadalajara, she was surprised that the police asked her to fund the investigation. | When María Guadalupe Aguilar reported the disappearance of her 34-year-old son José Luis Arana on the outskirts of Guadalajara, she was surprised that the police asked her to fund the investigation. |
| “They told me they needed money to search for him, to cover their petrol costs and to pay for intelligence reports,” she says. “Stupidly, I believed everything at first.” | “They told me they needed money to search for him, to cover their petrol costs and to pay for intelligence reports,” she says. “Stupidly, I believed everything at first.” |
| Aguilar, a retired nurse, eventually paid almost 70,000 pesos (£2,860) to several different police officers in the hope they would help locate her son. They made no progress and she eventually had to sell her house to fund her own ongoing investigation. | Aguilar, a retired nurse, eventually paid almost 70,000 pesos (£2,860) to several different police officers in the hope they would help locate her son. They made no progress and she eventually had to sell her house to fund her own ongoing investigation. |
| “This kind of corruption has become very normal,” Aguilar reflects, five years on from her son’s disappearance. “Unfortunately I now have no house, no money and, mostly importantly, I still don’t have my son.” | “This kind of corruption has become very normal,” Aguilar reflects, five years on from her son’s disappearance. “Unfortunately I now have no house, no money and, mostly importantly, I still don’t have my son.” |
| This kind of corruption has become very normal | This kind of corruption has become very normal |
| But having grown all too accustomed to paying the price for corruption, residents of Guadalajara, Mexico’s second biggest metropolis, have begun to push back against this pervasive culture, with political newcomers, civil society and even local technology firms putting forward fresh ideas to create a more transparently run city. | But having grown all too accustomed to paying the price for corruption, residents of Guadalajara, Mexico’s second biggest metropolis, have begun to push back against this pervasive culture, with political newcomers, civil society and even local technology firms putting forward fresh ideas to create a more transparently run city. |
| It is hard to overestimate the impact of corruption in Mexico. It affects almost every aspect of governance and development, from policing and political appointments to public works and private construction projects. Global economics experts estimate that corruption accounts for between 2% and 10% of Mexico’s GDP, while Transparency International ranked Mexico a lowly 95th on the list of the world’s least corrupt countries in 2015, alongside the Philippines and Mali. | It is hard to overestimate the impact of corruption in Mexico. It affects almost every aspect of governance and development, from policing and political appointments to public works and private construction projects. Global economics experts estimate that corruption accounts for between 2% and 10% of Mexico’s GDP, while Transparency International ranked Mexico a lowly 95th on the list of the world’s least corrupt countries in 2015, alongside the Philippines and Mali. |
| Mexico’s impunity rate encourages corruption, with over 99% of crimes going unpunished, according to a 2016 study by Puebla’s University of the Americas. This has caused deep distrust of those in power, with a 2015 survey by Mexican pollster Mitofsky identifying political parties as the nation’s least trusted institutions, closely followed by congress, the police, the senate, labour unions and the presidency. | Mexico’s impunity rate encourages corruption, with over 99% of crimes going unpunished, according to a 2016 study by Puebla’s University of the Americas. This has caused deep distrust of those in power, with a 2015 survey by Mexican pollster Mitofsky identifying political parties as the nation’s least trusted institutions, closely followed by congress, the police, the senate, labour unions and the presidency. |
| Yet in Guadalajara, the traditionally conservative capital of the western state of Jalisco, voters have backed a political shift they hope will lead to real change. In last summer’s local elections, the Citizen’s Movement, a newish party with an anti-corruption agenda, won control of the vast majority of the Guadalajara metropolitan area, ending the 86-year stranglehold that Mexico’s two biggest parties had held over this city of 4.5 million people. | Yet in Guadalajara, the traditionally conservative capital of the western state of Jalisco, voters have backed a political shift they hope will lead to real change. In last summer’s local elections, the Citizen’s Movement, a newish party with an anti-corruption agenda, won control of the vast majority of the Guadalajara metropolitan area, ending the 86-year stranglehold that Mexico’s two biggest parties had held over this city of 4.5 million people. |
| Guadalajara is best known as the home of tequila and mariachi music but its mayor, Enrique Alfaro, hopes it will also soon be lauded as a pacesetter for transparent governance. Since his election last year, 43-year-old Alfaro has slashed public officials’ perks and salaries to fund social programmes, allowed citizens to vote on what certain taxes are spent on, and given the electorate the right to call fresh elections midway through his term if dissatisfied with his performance. | Guadalajara is best known as the home of tequila and mariachi music but its mayor, Enrique Alfaro, hopes it will also soon be lauded as a pacesetter for transparent governance. Since his election last year, 43-year-old Alfaro has slashed public officials’ perks and salaries to fund social programmes, allowed citizens to vote on what certain taxes are spent on, and given the electorate the right to call fresh elections midway through his term if dissatisfied with his performance. |
| “More empowered and more active citizens are a vital element of the anti-corruption agenda,” says Alfaro, a stocky figure dressed in a leather jacket and open-collared shirt, in an interview at Guadalajara’s stately municipal palace. “We hope we can set an example for the rest of the country.” | “More empowered and more active citizens are a vital element of the anti-corruption agenda,” says Alfaro, a stocky figure dressed in a leather jacket and open-collared shirt, in an interview at Guadalajara’s stately municipal palace. “We hope we can set an example for the rest of the country.” |
| Illustrating how commonplace corruption is, Alfaro reveals that he’s just revoked the concession of a company contracted to manage Guadalajara’s parking meters for allegedly cheating the city out of almost 100m pesos (£4m) in unreported revenue. Any businessmen or public officials who acted inappropriately will face the full weight of the law, he affirms. | Illustrating how commonplace corruption is, Alfaro reveals that he’s just revoked the concession of a company contracted to manage Guadalajara’s parking meters for allegedly cheating the city out of almost 100m pesos (£4m) in unreported revenue. Any businessmen or public officials who acted inappropriately will face the full weight of the law, he affirms. |
| Yet not everyone is convinced by Alfaro. Local political analyst Enrique Toussaint says his policies don’t always stand up to close inspection. While letting citizens vote on what their taxes are spent on sounds progressive, Toussaint notes that only homeowners who pay property tax are presently allowed to participate. “It’s a tremendous step backwards to an age when people’s political rights depended on their economic status,” he says. “It’s totally regressive and anti-democratic.” | Yet not everyone is convinced by Alfaro. Local political analyst Enrique Toussaint says his policies don’t always stand up to close inspection. While letting citizens vote on what their taxes are spent on sounds progressive, Toussaint notes that only homeowners who pay property tax are presently allowed to participate. “It’s a tremendous step backwards to an age when people’s political rights depended on their economic status,” he says. “It’s totally regressive and anti-democratic.” |
| Guadalajara’s problems with corruption have worsened as the city has sprawled outwards and upwards, according to Toussaint. The city’s stunted skyline has been transformed in recent years, with the erection of dozens of high-rise flats and office blocks becoming the most visible symbol of corruption. These projects often violate regulations, he suggests, while influential developers frequently fund political campaigns in return for lucrative permits or concessions. | Guadalajara’s problems with corruption have worsened as the city has sprawled outwards and upwards, according to Toussaint. The city’s stunted skyline has been transformed in recent years, with the erection of dozens of high-rise flats and office blocks becoming the most visible symbol of corruption. These projects often violate regulations, he suggests, while influential developers frequently fund political campaigns in return for lucrative permits or concessions. |
| Alfaro says his government has identified 170 real-estate projects that infringe the law, most of them having begun under previous administrations. It’s too late and would prove too expensive to demolish them, he says, but developers found guilty of infractions will face fines of up to 100m pesos “to compensate for the harm they’ve caused the city”. | Alfaro says his government has identified 170 real-estate projects that infringe the law, most of them having begun under previous administrations. It’s too late and would prove too expensive to demolish them, he says, but developers found guilty of infractions will face fines of up to 100m pesos “to compensate for the harm they’ve caused the city”. |
| Exclusive housing developments are among the scores of Guadalajara businesses the US government has blacklisted for laundering money on behalf of notorious drug barons – a problem that dates back to the 1980s, when the families of many prominent kingpins settled in the city. Today, Guadalajara is a bastion of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, an increasingly powerful group that has been blamed for a rise in extortion and kidnappings, plus the assassinations of the state tourism secretary, a federal congressman, and dozens of police officers. | Exclusive housing developments are among the scores of Guadalajara businesses the US government has blacklisted for laundering money on behalf of notorious drug barons – a problem that dates back to the 1980s, when the families of many prominent kingpins settled in the city. Today, Guadalajara is a bastion of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, an increasingly powerful group that has been blamed for a rise in extortion and kidnappings, plus the assassinations of the state tourism secretary, a federal congressman, and dozens of police officers. |
| One of the biggest challenges to public security, Alfaro acknowledges, is that the police have been infiltrated by organised crime as a result of long-standing pacts between politicians and the cartels. His administration has fired 15 officers, but he admits there is no “magic formula” for cleansing the force of corruption. | One of the biggest challenges to public security, Alfaro acknowledges, is that the police have been infiltrated by organised crime as a result of long-standing pacts between politicians and the cartels. His administration has fired 15 officers, but he admits there is no “magic formula” for cleansing the force of corruption. |
| “The first step towards cleaning up the police force is for the government to not make pacts with criminals,” he adds. “We decided that under no circumstances would we ever communicate with any criminal group.” | “The first step towards cleaning up the police force is for the government to not make pacts with criminals,” he adds. “We decided that under no circumstances would we ever communicate with any criminal group.” |
| Alfaro says he has received numerous death threats, but insists this stance is safer than forging alliances that would leave him indebted to certain cartels and a target for their rivals. | Alfaro says he has received numerous death threats, but insists this stance is safer than forging alliances that would leave him indebted to certain cartels and a target for their rivals. |
| Alfaro’s anti-corruption efforts have been complemented by civil society groups that have assumed an increasingly influential role in Guadalajara. On 14 July, Jalisco became only the second state in Mexico to strip public officials of their immunity from prosecution while in office. The reform’s most ardent advocate was 26-year-old Guadalajara native Pedro Kumamoto, who last year became the first independent candidate ever elected to Jalisco’s state congress. | Alfaro’s anti-corruption efforts have been complemented by civil society groups that have assumed an increasingly influential role in Guadalajara. On 14 July, Jalisco became only the second state in Mexico to strip public officials of their immunity from prosecution while in office. The reform’s most ardent advocate was 26-year-old Guadalajara native Pedro Kumamoto, who last year became the first independent candidate ever elected to Jalisco’s state congress. |
| Kumamoto represents Wikipolítica, a local grassroots movement dedicated to enhancing transparency and civic participation in public life. He has used his historic mandate to pressure other lawmakers into listening to citizens’ demands, with another notable success coming in May when he helped pass a law that extends citizens’ rights to recall unpopular officials and vote on what their taxes are spent on across the entire state. | Kumamoto represents Wikipolítica, a local grassroots movement dedicated to enhancing transparency and civic participation in public life. He has used his historic mandate to pressure other lawmakers into listening to citizens’ demands, with another notable success coming in May when he helped pass a law that extends citizens’ rights to recall unpopular officials and vote on what their taxes are spent on across the entire state. |
| I would love to say I trust the governments of my country but unfortunately we don’t have trustworthy governments | I would love to say I trust the governments of my country but unfortunately we don’t have trustworthy governments |
| “We have a very organised civil society and social movements that have pushed these agendas for many years. I think we’re just starting to see the effects of 10 or 15 years of work by different organisations,” Kumamoto says. | “We have a very organised civil society and social movements that have pushed these agendas for many years. I think we’re just starting to see the effects of 10 or 15 years of work by different organisations,” Kumamoto says. |
| With the recent gains made in Guadalajara now being consolidated and replicated at state level, he believes they could eventually take hold across all of Mexico. “This vanguard is going to achieve much, much more, putting us at the forefront in terms of transparency, civic participation and combatting corruption.” | With the recent gains made in Guadalajara now being consolidated and replicated at state level, he believes they could eventually take hold across all of Mexico. “This vanguard is going to achieve much, much more, putting us at the forefront in terms of transparency, civic participation and combatting corruption.” |
| The private sector is also doing its part. Last year, local entrepreneurs launched Avisora, a mobile app that enables users to report problems in their communities, from potholes or broken street lamps to acts of crime or low-level corruption. Diego Méndez, Avisora’s founder and CEO, says he offered the city, state and federal governments free use of the platform but they all declined because of his insistence on making every report public and his refusal to let them hide potentially embarrassing reports. | The private sector is also doing its part. Last year, local entrepreneurs launched Avisora, a mobile app that enables users to report problems in their communities, from potholes or broken street lamps to acts of crime or low-level corruption. Diego Méndez, Avisora’s founder and CEO, says he offered the city, state and federal governments free use of the platform but they all declined because of his insistence on making every report public and his refusal to let them hide potentially embarrassing reports. |
| “I would love to say I trust the governments of my country but unfortunately we don’t have trustworthy governments,” Méndez says, citing the reports that Avisora receives of police and traffic officers demanding bribes. “It’s really important to keep track of these reports and not let the government control, delete or censor them in some way.” | “I would love to say I trust the governments of my country but unfortunately we don’t have trustworthy governments,” Méndez says, citing the reports that Avisora receives of police and traffic officers demanding bribes. “It’s really important to keep track of these reports and not let the government control, delete or censor them in some way.” |
| Home to a thriving tech scene, Guadalajara has become known as “Mexico’s Silicon Valley”. Yet when Alfaro launched Ciudapp, a remarkably similar app that enables the government to crowdsource a real-time diagnosis of problems in different neighbourhoods, he was criticised for paying for a platform developed in Spain instead of using Avisora and supporting local industry. | Home to a thriving tech scene, Guadalajara has become known as “Mexico’s Silicon Valley”. Yet when Alfaro launched Ciudapp, a remarkably similar app that enables the government to crowdsource a real-time diagnosis of problems in different neighbourhoods, he was criticised for paying for a platform developed in Spain instead of using Avisora and supporting local industry. |
| Alfaro denies any intention to bury inconvenient reports and insists he simply wanted an app with a broader scope, meaning it worked out quicker and cheaper to buy the finished Spanish product than to contract Avisora to develop new capabilities. The two parties have since agreed to integrate both apps so the government will also receive reports from Avisora users. | Alfaro denies any intention to bury inconvenient reports and insists he simply wanted an app with a broader scope, meaning it worked out quicker and cheaper to buy the finished Spanish product than to contract Avisora to develop new capabilities. The two parties have since agreed to integrate both apps so the government will also receive reports from Avisora users. |
| While Méndez remains disappointed by some of Alfaro’s decisions, he – like many others in Guadalajara – is encouraged that those in power are at least making an effort to change Mexico’s culture of corruption. “There’s no precedent for this,” he says. “I think they’re learning.” | While Méndez remains disappointed by some of Alfaro’s decisions, he – like many others in Guadalajara – is encouraged that those in power are at least making an effort to change Mexico’s culture of corruption. “There’s no precedent for this,” he says. “I think they’re learning.” |
| Guardian Cities is a member of the Habitat III Journalism Project. Read more about the project here | Guardian Cities is a member of the Habitat III Journalism Project. Read more about the project here |