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‘Brexit’ Debate Has Voters Asking: What Does it Mean to be English? ‘Brexit’ Debate Has Voters Asking: What Does it Mean to Be English?
(2 days later)
As Britain hurtles toward its vote on Thursday on whether to remain in the European Union, the increasingly heated campaign rhetoric has appeared driven at times by a deeper and more complex question: What is the future of the English people?As Britain hurtles toward its vote on Thursday on whether to remain in the European Union, the increasingly heated campaign rhetoric has appeared driven at times by a deeper and more complex question: What is the future of the English people?
Robert Tombs, a historian at the University of Cambridge, says that those who favor leaving the union — the so-called Brexit camp — have championed not only skepticism of Europe, but a growing sense of English identity and even English nationalism. That sentiment, long something of a taboo in British political culture, helps explain the high emotions around the referendum as well as the country’s rising populist right.Robert Tombs, a historian at the University of Cambridge, says that those who favor leaving the union — the so-called Brexit camp — have championed not only skepticism of Europe, but a growing sense of English identity and even English nationalism. That sentiment, long something of a taboo in British political culture, helps explain the high emotions around the referendum as well as the country’s rising populist right.
In an interview, Mr. Tombs discussed the origins of this trend and its implications for the country’s future. Here are excerpts, edited for clarity.In an interview, Mr. Tombs discussed the origins of this trend and its implications for the country’s future. Here are excerpts, edited for clarity.
Q. There’s a sense that the Brexit debate is revealing, maybe more than driving, a resurgent sense of English identity. How is that resurgence playing out?Q. There’s a sense that the Brexit debate is revealing, maybe more than driving, a resurgent sense of English identity. How is that resurgence playing out?
A. The idea of Englishness or English identity has been growing for some years now. The largest single cause has been the growth of Scottish nationalism and an idea that maybe the United Kingdom is unraveling.A. The idea of Englishness or English identity has been growing for some years now. The largest single cause has been the growth of Scottish nationalism and an idea that maybe the United Kingdom is unraveling.
There has been for some time a greater sensitivity to the idea of Englishness, and, to some extent, it’s been a rather resentful one, which feels that England is not being properly treated, or that the English identity is not recognized by the governments and so on.There has been for some time a greater sensitivity to the idea of Englishness, and, to some extent, it’s been a rather resentful one, which feels that England is not being properly treated, or that the English identity is not recognized by the governments and so on.
The referendum campaign, I would say, to most people’s surprise — and alarm even — has brought out English identity. But it’s been quite rare for people to talk about “England.” It’s always been about Britain. It’s brought out all sorts of divisions within British and English society that have become rather more emotional, more intense than they usually seem to be.The referendum campaign, I would say, to most people’s surprise — and alarm even — has brought out English identity. But it’s been quite rare for people to talk about “England.” It’s always been about Britain. It’s brought out all sorts of divisions within British and English society that have become rather more emotional, more intense than they usually seem to be.
Q. What are the fault lines of those divisions?Q. What are the fault lines of those divisions?
A. One is generational. Older people tend to be more in favor of leaving the E.U. than young people. One is class division. Richer and more educated people tend to be pro-European. Working-class people and the less educated tend to be more anti-E.U.A. One is generational. Older people tend to be more in favor of leaving the E.U. than young people. One is class division. Richer and more educated people tend to be pro-European. Working-class people and the less educated tend to be more anti-E.U.
Also some regional differences. London is much more pro-E.U. than the rest of the country. Parts of the North of England, and particularly poorer parts of the country, are more pro-Brexit. I think you see a similar pattern in many other countries: in France and Germany and elsewhere.Also some regional differences. London is much more pro-E.U. than the rest of the country. Parts of the North of England, and particularly poorer parts of the country, are more pro-Brexit. I think you see a similar pattern in many other countries: in France and Germany and elsewhere.
Q. Is this emphasis on English identity driven by a sense among these communities, do you think, that they are being squeezed, and trying to find something to hold onto?Q. Is this emphasis on English identity driven by a sense among these communities, do you think, that they are being squeezed, and trying to find something to hold onto?
A. Yes, exactly. Immigration has become a very important and rather emotional and divisive issue.A. Yes, exactly. Immigration has become a very important and rather emotional and divisive issue.
The presence of immigrants seems, to many people, to be a threat to their jobs, their welfare, their wages and so on. In parts of the country where there aren’t many immigrants, there’s a fear that immigration is an out-of-control process, and that it is having and will have a big effect on social services, and perhaps on national cohesion.The presence of immigrants seems, to many people, to be a threat to their jobs, their welfare, their wages and so on. In parts of the country where there aren’t many immigrants, there’s a fear that immigration is an out-of-control process, and that it is having and will have a big effect on social services, and perhaps on national cohesion.
Q. You talk about this partly being driven by the process of internal devolution, but more overtly playing out in the language of migration. What is the relationship between those two trends, I wonder?Q. You talk about this partly being driven by the process of internal devolution, but more overtly playing out in the language of migration. What is the relationship between those two trends, I wonder?
A. The campaign began as a very calm and rather practical one, talking about prices, trades, economic prospects and so on. It’s become much more emotive, and much more based on gut feeling and identity, partly because there are so many divided opinions.A. The campaign began as a very calm and rather practical one, talking about prices, trades, economic prospects and so on. It’s become much more emotive, and much more based on gut feeling and identity, partly because there are so many divided opinions.
This has turned out to be a kind of revolt against the establishment. Therefore, it’s bringing out a whole lot of feelings that were rather hidden, and hence all sorts of feelings of resentment are probably coming out.This has turned out to be a kind of revolt against the establishment. Therefore, it’s bringing out a whole lot of feelings that were rather hidden, and hence all sorts of feelings of resentment are probably coming out.
An awful lot of people didn’t have a firm opinion at the beginning of this campaign, but there’s been a surge of anti-E.U. feeling. People are beginning to think of this as being about much more than just economic practicalities, and are thinking of this as being about legitimacy, about independence, about who actually runs the country, about whether the elite is legitimate.An awful lot of people didn’t have a firm opinion at the beginning of this campaign, but there’s been a surge of anti-E.U. feeling. People are beginning to think of this as being about much more than just economic practicalities, and are thinking of this as being about legitimacy, about independence, about who actually runs the country, about whether the elite is legitimate.
It’s become a kind of peasants’ revolt, of people who are perhaps thinking of the E.U. as one of those institutions that they feel is letting them down, or is not listening to them.It’s become a kind of peasants’ revolt, of people who are perhaps thinking of the E.U. as one of those institutions that they feel is letting them down, or is not listening to them.
Q. You’ve talked about the English feeling like they’re the only ones left who are really British. It seems striking to me that a lot of the groups that represent English identity don’t actually have England or English in their names, groups like the U.K. Independence Party. What’s going on there?Q. You’ve talked about the English feeling like they’re the only ones left who are really British. It seems striking to me that a lot of the groups that represent English identity don’t actually have England or English in their names, groups like the U.K. Independence Party. What’s going on there?
A. There is a history to this. The English, being the majority of the United Kingdom, and in imperial days the leaders of the empire, didn’t really stress their Englishness very much, except in a nonpolitical sense, about poetry and so on. It was never a sense that England had a political identity that was different from that of Britain.A. There is a history to this. The English, being the majority of the United Kingdom, and in imperial days the leaders of the empire, didn’t really stress their Englishness very much, except in a nonpolitical sense, about poetry and so on. It was never a sense that England had a political identity that was different from that of Britain.
Now there’s a reaction to the fact that the other nations of the United Kingdom — the Scots, the Welsh and the Irish — have all developed a sense of separateness and have the political institutions that go along with that.Now there’s a reaction to the fact that the other nations of the United Kingdom — the Scots, the Welsh and the Irish — have all developed a sense of separateness and have the political institutions that go along with that.
I don’t think there are very many of them yet, but there are people in England who say as there’s a Scottish Parliament, there should also be an English Parliament. [Prime Minister] David Cameron promised, after the election, that there would be English votes for English laws. It’s a growing sense that England ought to itself have a political identity.I don’t think there are very many of them yet, but there are people in England who say as there’s a Scottish Parliament, there should also be an English Parliament. [Prime Minister] David Cameron promised, after the election, that there would be English votes for English laws. It’s a growing sense that England ought to itself have a political identity.
Q. Is this a reaction to England’s unusual status where it’s a nation without a state — which is to say, culturally and historically distinct but without its own independent government institutions?Q. Is this a reaction to England’s unusual status where it’s a nation without a state — which is to say, culturally and historically distinct but without its own independent government institutions?
A. Yes, I think it is. You could say that the English have nothing to complain about. They are, after all, the majority.A. Yes, I think it is. You could say that the English have nothing to complain about. They are, after all, the majority.
Nevertheless, there’s a growing sense that something has to be done about English opinion. You see this among Conservatives, but there are some in the Labour Party who’ve said it needs to establish itself as a patriotic English party, partly because it can never win power unless it does.Nevertheless, there’s a growing sense that something has to be done about English opinion. You see this among Conservatives, but there are some in the Labour Party who’ve said it needs to establish itself as a patriotic English party, partly because it can never win power unless it does.
There may be all sorts of underlying feelings of identity, resentments and so on, but until the referendum campaign got going, I don’t think that most people felt that these were all that important.There may be all sorts of underlying feelings of identity, resentments and so on, but until the referendum campaign got going, I don’t think that most people felt that these were all that important.
Now it’s become important even if it wasn’t important in the beginning. That raises all sorts of political and constitutional difficulties that might emerge after the vote.Now it’s become important even if it wasn’t important in the beginning. That raises all sorts of political and constitutional difficulties that might emerge after the vote.
Q. There seems to have long been a suspicion, in the United Kingdom, of American-style patriotism. Is that changing? Is nationalism becoming more acceptable?Q. There seems to have long been a suspicion, in the United Kingdom, of American-style patriotism. Is that changing? Is nationalism becoming more acceptable?
The idea of people having flags flying in their garden would still be regarded as extremely strange and a bit suspicious. A certain degree of patriotism is now perhaps more acceptable, but it’s usually of a pretty restrained and traditional kind.The idea of people having flags flying in their garden would still be regarded as extremely strange and a bit suspicious. A certain degree of patriotism is now perhaps more acceptable, but it’s usually of a pretty restrained and traditional kind.
But it depends where you go. If you go to places where UKIP is, there is a popular working-class English nationalism, which is very resentful, which is often very hostile to foreigners, which is even more hostile to rich Londoners and people who tell them how they should think and how they should vote. And that often takes the form of a rather aggressive form of English nationalism.But it depends where you go. If you go to places where UKIP is, there is a popular working-class English nationalism, which is very resentful, which is often very hostile to foreigners, which is even more hostile to rich Londoners and people who tell them how they should think and how they should vote. And that often takes the form of a rather aggressive form of English nationalism.
It’s sometimes, in extreme forms, associated with football hooliganism and with a minority of extreme right-wing groups. It’s overwhelmingly male and working class. But, again, I think you get that in quite a number of countries.It’s sometimes, in extreme forms, associated with football hooliganism and with a minority of extreme right-wing groups. It’s overwhelmingly male and working class. But, again, I think you get that in quite a number of countries.