''Time was running out': Honduran activist's last days marked by threats' diff viewer (0/1)

This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on April 25, 2016 08:30 (UTC). It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/apr/25/berta-caceres-murder-honduras-death-threats-hitman-agua-zarca-dam

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Previous version 1 Next version

Previous version 1 Next version

Version 0	Version 1
'Time was running out': Honduran activist's last days marked by threats	'Time was running out': Honduran activist's last days marked by threats
2016-04-25 08:35:06 UTC	2016-08-30 21:45:38 UTC (4 months later)
In her final days, Berta Cáceres was bombarded with texts and calls warning her to give up the fight against the Agua Zarca dam, or else.	In her final days, Berta Cáceres was bombarded with texts and calls warning her to give up the fight against the Agua Zarca dam, or else.
The Honduran indigenous leader told trusted friends and colleagues that some of the death threats were from a suspected sicario – or hitman – who was terrorizing community members near the dam and openly boasting of his intention to kill her.	The Honduran indigenous leader told trusted friends and colleagues that some of the death threats were from a suspected sicario – or hitman – who was terrorizing community members near the dam and openly boasting of his intention to kill her.
Cáceres started making arrangements to move from her isolated bungalow on the outskirts of the city of La Esperanza to a bustling lodging house run by her organisation, the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), where she wouldn’t be alone.	Cáceres started making arrangements to move from her isolated bungalow on the outskirts of the city of La Esperanza to a bustling lodging house run by her organisation, the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), where she wouldn’t be alone.
The day before she was murdered, Cáceres took her youngest daughter to the airport. As they hugged goodbye, she whispered a final piece of advice. “She told me: ‘If something happens to me, don’t be scared,’” Laura Cáceres, 23, told the Guardian.	The day before she was murdered, Cáceres took her youngest daughter to the airport. As they hugged goodbye, she whispered a final piece of advice. “She told me: ‘If something happens to me, don’t be scared,’” Laura Cáceres, 23, told the Guardian.
Around lunchtime the following day, Cáceres stopped to sign some cheques at COPINH’s women’s centre, where she told Lilian Esperanza, a longtime friend and the group’s financial coordinator, to plan for her not being around. “She wanted to change the rules so someone else could sign checks. She was worried about being murdered or imprisoned,” said Esperanza. “‘I keep reporting the threats, but no one pays attention,’ she told me.”	Around lunchtime the following day, Cáceres stopped to sign some cheques at COPINH’s women’s centre, where she told Lilian Esperanza, a longtime friend and the group’s financial coordinator, to plan for her not being around. “She wanted to change the rules so someone else could sign checks. She was worried about being murdered or imprisoned,” said Esperanza. “‘I keep reporting the threats, but no one pays attention,’ she told me.”
Less than 12 hours later, Cáceres was shot dead in her home. Her friend Gustavo Castro, coordinator of Friends of the Earth Mexico, was injured in the attack but survived by playing dead.	Less than 12 hours later, Cáceres was shot dead in her home. Her friend Gustavo Castro, coordinator of Friends of the Earth Mexico, was injured in the attack but survived by playing dead.
Despite the evidence that she had been targeted because of her campaign against the dam, police treated three of her closest colleagues – Castro and two members of COPINH – as the prime suspects.	Despite the evidence that she had been targeted because of her campaign against the dam, police treated three of her closest colleagues – Castro and two members of COPINH – as the prime suspects.
“My daughter was systematically persecuted for years, but still, I didn’t believe they would actually kill her,” said Berta Flores, 83, sitting next to the candlelit altar adorned with fresh flowers and photographs.	“My daughter was systematically persecuted for years, but still, I didn’t believe they would actually kill her,” said Berta Flores, 83, sitting next to the candlelit altar adorned with fresh flowers and photographs.
“She worked frantically in the days before she was killed. It’s as if she knew time was running out.”	“She worked frantically in the days before she was killed. It’s as if she knew time was running out.”
Cáceres was buried on 4 March on what would have been her 45th birthday.	Cáceres was buried on 4 March on what would have been her 45th birthday.
~~Related: Remembering Berta Cáceres: 'I'm a human rights fighter and I won't give up'~~
The murder of the celebrated activist shocked the world, despite Honduras’ inglorious ranking as the deadliest country for environmental campaigners.	The murder of the celebrated activist shocked the world, despite Honduras’ inglorious ranking as the deadliest country for environmental campaigners.
Cáceres, who last year won the Goldman environmental prize for her work, had reported 33 death threats linked to the campaign. Just days before her death, she accused the Honduran company behind the dam, Desarrollos Energéticos SA (Desa), of using local thugs to terrorize her and COPINH as they tried to mobilize opposition to its revised plan to dam their sacred river, the Gualcarque.	Cáceres, who last year won the Goldman environmental prize for her work, had reported 33 death threats linked to the campaign. Just days before her death, she accused the Honduran company behind the dam, Desarrollos Energéticos SA (Desa), of using local thugs to terrorize her and COPINH as they tried to mobilize opposition to its revised plan to dam their sacred river, the Gualcarque.
The Honduran state was complicit in this intimidation, she alleged.	The Honduran state was complicit in this intimidation, she alleged.
Since her murder, the violence and threats against COPINH members have continued. Earlier this month, several were injured after a peaceful march including international observers was attacked by people armed with rocks and machetes. Witnesses said that the aggressors chanted “we killed the fly, only the plebs are left” as police and army officers looked on.	Since her murder, the violence and threats against COPINH members have continued. Earlier this month, several were injured after a peaceful march including international observers was attacked by people armed with rocks and machetes. Witnesses said that the aggressors chanted “we killed the fly, only the plebs are left” as police and army officers looked on.
Among the attackers was the alleged hitman Cáceres had warned her colleagues of.	Among the attackers was the alleged hitman Cáceres had warned her colleagues of.
Despite international pressure on Honduras to capture the assassins – and the people who sent them – fears are mounting that COPINH members could be framed in an attempt to crush opposition to the dam and deter other communities from derailing similar projects.	Despite international pressure on Honduras to capture the assassins – and the people who sent them – fears are mounting that COPINH members could be framed in an attempt to crush opposition to the dam and deter other communities from derailing similar projects.
“Blaming people close to Berta is part of the crime,” said Víctor Fernández, COPINH’s lawyer. “Leaders are murdered to terrorize communities, contaminate organisations and squash resistance movements. This is the pattern.”	“Blaming people close to Berta is part of the crime,” said Víctor Fernández, COPINH’s lawyer. “Leaders are murdered to terrorize communities, contaminate organisations and squash resistance movements. This is the pattern.”
~~Related: Honduras and the dirty war fuelled by the west's drive for clean energy~~
The current wave of repression against social and political activists in Honduras has its roots in the 2009 military-backed coup d’état. The rightwing government that replaced President Manuel Zelaya licensed hundreds of environmentally destructive mega-projects, including mines, hydroelectric dams and model cities, ignoring its obligation to seek consent from indigenous communities.	The current wave of repression against social and political activists in Honduras has its roots in the 2009 military-backed coup d’état. The rightwing government that replaced President Manuel Zelaya licensed hundreds of environmentally destructive mega-projects, including mines, hydroelectric dams and model cities, ignoring its obligation to seek consent from indigenous communities.
As protests mounted, violence spread: between 2010 and 2015, 109 environmental activists were murdered, reported Global Witness.	As protests mounted, violence spread: between 2010 and 2015, 109 environmental activists were murdered, reported Global Witness.
Meanwhile, concessions were granted for 50 projects, mostly dams, on Lenca territory.	Meanwhile, concessions were granted for 50 projects, mostly dams, on Lenca territory.
The Gualcarque river is considered sacred by Cáceres’s Lenca people; it also provides them food and drinking water. Although relatively small, the proposed dam would desiccate the river and render life impossible for the Rio Blanco community.	The Gualcarque river is considered sacred by Cáceres’s Lenca people; it also provides them food and drinking water. Although relatively small, the proposed dam would desiccate the river and render life impossible for the Rio Blanco community.
Cáceres filed complaints, lodged appeals and organised protests in an attempt to force a proper consultation, but the project forged ahead.	Cáceres filed complaints, lodged appeals and organised protests in an attempt to force a proper consultation, but the project forged ahead.
In April 2013, Cáceres orchestrated a community roadblock preventing Desa from accessing the dam site. The threats against her and other community leaders started immediately.	In April 2013, Cáceres orchestrated a community roadblock preventing Desa from accessing the dam site. The threats against her and other community leaders started immediately.
They were followed; shot at; harassed by police, soldiers and Desa’s private security officers; and threatened with kidnap and death, according to a detailed log kept by international observers. Cáceres and her close colleagues Tomas Gómez and Aureliano Molina were forced into hiding for months until false charges of usurpation, coercion and criminal damage were dismissed.	They were followed; shot at; harassed by police, soldiers and Desa’s private security officers; and threatened with kidnap and death, according to a detailed log kept by international observers. Cáceres and her close colleagues Tomas Gómez and Aureliano Molina were forced into hiding for months until false charges of usurpation, coercion and criminal damage were dismissed.
For about two years, construction stalled. Then, late last summer, community members noticed construction was under way on the other side of the river, which is not Lenca territory. Desa had started work on a revised Agua Zarca project which would redirect the river before it reached the Rio Blanco community.	For about two years, construction stalled. Then, late last summer, community members noticed construction was under way on the other side of the river, which is not Lenca territory. Desa had started work on a revised Agua Zarca project which would redirect the river before it reached the Rio Blanco community.
In October 2015, the community set up camp on the river bank. Over the coming weeks, they were attacked with boulders and rocks by civilians flanked by armed private security and police officers.	In October 2015, the community set up camp on the river bank. Over the coming weeks, they were attacked with boulders and rocks by civilians flanked by armed private security and police officers.
Around this time, the suspected hitman – who was often seen with Desa security guards – starting bragging that he would murder Caceres and other COPINH leaders, multiple sources have told the Guardian.	Around this time, the suspected hitman – who was often seen with Desa security guards – starting bragging that he would murder Caceres and other COPINH leaders, multiple sources have told the Guardian.
The man was arrested in December for illegal possession of weapons, but freed the following day after the charge was downgraded, according to Fernández, COPINH’s lawyer. In 2015, the man was accused of murder until a key witness changed his testimony.	The man was arrested in December for illegal possession of weapons, but freed the following day after the charge was downgraded, according to Fernández, COPINH’s lawyer. In 2015, the man was accused of murder until a key witness changed his testimony.
Justino Paz, 64, lived in the same community – upstream from Rio Blanco - where Desa has won support by promising jobs, electricity, and a school. He said that the same man had threatened him.	Justino Paz, 64, lived in the same community – upstream from Rio Blanco - where Desa has won support by promising jobs, electricity, and a school. He said that the same man had threatened him.
“I opposed the dam because the river gives us life. He put a pistol to my head and told me to leave or die, and then burned down my house. I lost everything,” said Paz.	“I opposed the dam because the river gives us life. He put a pistol to my head and told me to leave or die, and then burned down my house. I lost everything,” said Paz.
A Desa spokesman denied any links with the suspect, saying: “He is not our employee and has no relationship with us.”	A Desa spokesman denied any links with the suspect, saying: “He is not our employee and has no relationship with us.”
Two further incidents spooked Cáceres.	Two further incidents spooked Cáceres.
On 30 November 2015, she was threatened in public by local politicians and people armed with stones, machetes and handguns. The police refused to intervene.	On 30 November 2015, she was threatened in public by local politicians and people armed with stones, machetes and handguns. The police refused to intervene.
Then, on 20 February 2016, a COPINH group was blocked en route to the river and their vehicles vandalized. Several witnesses said they had heard Cáceres threatened by Desa employees and a local politician. Cáceres reported the incident to authorities.	Then, on 20 February 2016, a COPINH group was blocked en route to the river and their vehicles vandalized. Several witnesses said they had heard Cáceres threatened by Desa employees and a local politician. Cáceres reported the incident to authorities.
Cáceres was no stranger to threats, but she was now afraid. “She wouldn’t let me stay alone, and she didn’t want to be alone,” said her daughter Laura.	Cáceres was no stranger to threats, but she was now afraid. “She wouldn’t let me stay alone, and she didn’t want to be alone,” said her daughter Laura.
On 2 March, the day she was murdered, Cáceres and Castro, the Mexican activist, arrived home around 7.30pm. The bright green bungalow where she’d moved two months earlier is in a secluded gated community on the southern edge of town along an unpaved, unlit road. Each of the 30 or so houses is enclosed by a wire fence; the dusty complex is flanked by pine-covered mountains.	On 2 March, the day she was murdered, Cáceres and Castro, the Mexican activist, arrived home around 7.30pm. The bright green bungalow where she’d moved two months earlier is in a secluded gated community on the southern edge of town along an unpaved, unlit road. Each of the 30 or so houses is enclosed by a wire fence; the dusty complex is flanked by pine-covered mountains.