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Vichy Yearns to Be French City, Not Just World War II Memory Vichy Yearns to Be French City, Not Just World War II Memory
(about 5 hours later)
VICHY, France — Perhaps this small city could be forgiven for thinking, 70 years after the end of World War II, that it might be thought of as something other than the capital of the collaborationist government of Marshal Philippe Pétain. VICHY, France — Perhaps this small city could be forgiven for thinking, 70 years after the end of World War II, that it might be thought of as something other than the capital of the collaborationist government of Marshal Philippe Pétain.
Vichy, situated in the Auvergne region in central France, has tried to draw interest for other pursuits, including Omnisports Parc, one of the largest and most comprehensive sporting centers in Europe. A French language center draws thousands of international students every year. And its casino, built during the reign of Napoleon III, has been transformed into a convention center.Vichy, situated in the Auvergne region in central France, has tried to draw interest for other pursuits, including Omnisports Parc, one of the largest and most comprehensive sporting centers in Europe. A French language center draws thousands of international students every year. And its casino, built during the reign of Napoleon III, has been transformed into a convention center.
On the final weekend of August, when 3,000 people from all over the world raced through the streets in the city’s first Ironman Triathlon, it seemed like an auspicious moment. On the final weekend of August, 3,000 people from all over the world raced through the streets in the city’s first Ironman Triathlon, and skin care products manufactured here have begun to gain a new and sizable market in the United States. Yet many Americans still associate Vichy with the bottle of water that Captain Renault disgustedly throws in the trash at the end of the movie “Casablanca.”
Yet as much as Vichy desires to forge a vibrant future and honor its cosmopolitan past as a resort for European aristocrats and American millionaires, ghosts of the war years linger. The triathlon’s route, for instance, took the runners past the Hôtel du Parc, where Pétain’s office has been carefully preserved by an organization dedicated to enshrining his memory. As much as Vichy desires to forge a vibrant future and honor its cosmopolitan past as a resort for European aristocrats and American millionaires, ghosts of the war years linger. The triathlon’s route, for instance, took the runners past the Hôtel du Parc, where Pétain’s office has been carefully preserved by an organization dedicated to enshrining his memory.
“For many years, Vichy has been trying to reinvent itself,” says Henri Diot, a retired history professor who lives here. “And, in the end, it may have to rely solely on itself.”“For many years, Vichy has been trying to reinvent itself,” says Henri Diot, a retired history professor who lives here. “And, in the end, it may have to rely solely on itself.”
Philippe Gendre, Vichy’s director of tourism, said in an email, “I often make a comparison to Berlin, which can accommodate gatherings on human rights without being thought of as the Third Reich.”Philippe Gendre, Vichy’s director of tourism, said in an email, “I often make a comparison to Berlin, which can accommodate gatherings on human rights without being thought of as the Third Reich.”
“Vichy is no longer a city,” he added. “It has become a symbol.”“Vichy is no longer a city,” he added. “It has become a symbol.”
While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. By the end of this month, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.” While the city of 25,000 may remain a symbol, it may no longer be a scapegoat. Starting this week, the government will begin releasing online 200,000 wartime collaboration records, which have been held at the Police Museum in Paris and have been off limits for 75 years. By 2019, every name in those records will be available to the public. Thierry Wirth, a Vichy historian and author, said that would provide a true picture of France’s “collective involvement.”
“The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”“The Vichy regime was situated here, in the free zone, but the records clearly show that the greatest numbers of collaborationists were, in fact, in the occupied zone, including Paris,” Mr. Wirth said. “Moreover, the region in which we are situated, the Auvergne, had France’s largest force of Resistance fighters, ‘Maquis du Mont Mouchet.’”
It was also in August that Jean-Marie Le Pen, a co-founder of France’s far-right National Front, was expelled from the party after he repeatedly angered its current leader, his daughter Marine, by reviving the Front’s anti-Semitic past, which she is eager to shed as she prepares for the presidential election in 2017. It was also in August that Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, expelled her father, Jean-Marie, from the party he co-founded for refusing to repudiate its anti-Semitic past, which she fears will damage her chances in the 2017 presidential election.
Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy.Local residents point out that the National Front never established a strong following here, and that the president of the Auvergne region, René Souchon, is a Socialist. “Cautious, perhaps, but not xenophobic or nationalist” is how Mr. Gendre describes the relatively conservative politics of Vichy.
In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent.In the second and final round of regional elections on Dec. 13, the right-of-center Republicans won with 51 percent of the vote. The National Front came in third with 20 percent.
In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location.In 2008, the city hosted a European Union conference organized by Brice Hortefeux, President Nicolas Sarkozy’s minister of immigration and integration. Although 27 ministers and high-ranking representatives of the union attended, many in France were outraged by the choice of location.
Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels.Before World War II, that choice would most likely have been applauded. Vichy was an established settlement in Roman times, and by the 17th century, its waters were already known for their curative powers. Napoleon III, believing that his rheumatism had been conquered there, commissioned the casino and the first grand hotels. One reason that the puppet government chose Vichy as its capital during World War II was its many hotels.
The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.”The many architectural styles that rise from its well-preserved boulevards and streets prompted The Guardian to once refer to it as “a melancholy fragmentation of Bournemouth, Brighton, Bath, Baden Baden and Brigadoon.”
The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a founder of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”The city’s longtime mayor, Claude Malhuret, a founder of Doctors Without Borders, seems, like many here, perplexed and slightly defensive over how to respond to the enduring stigma. “There are many stories about this city, and then there’s the truth,” he said, “because that period was very complicated and has been incorrectly defining this city for too long.”
There is a popular walking tour of sites associated with the collaborationist government that came to power after the German invasion of France in 1940, and when asked if a museum might be established to encompass all of the city’s history Mr. Malhuret responded: “Why? Nobody would go there.”There is a popular walking tour of sites associated with the collaborationist government that came to power after the German invasion of France in 1940, and when asked if a museum might be established to encompass all of the city’s history Mr. Malhuret responded: “Why? Nobody would go there.”
The walking tour might include a visit with a resident, Lucien Guyot, 91, who was a member of the Resistance. Mr. Guyot said that anyone wondering why so many of his countrymen collaborated with the Nazi occupiers, some quite eagerly, should consider the broader canvas.The walking tour might include a visit with a resident, Lucien Guyot, 91, who was a member of the Resistance. Mr. Guyot said that anyone wondering why so many of his countrymen collaborated with the Nazi occupiers, some quite eagerly, should consider the broader canvas.
“The draconian Pétain government went far beyond the Germans’ expectations, in particular with the deportation of ‘foreign’ Jews, including children, to concentration camps, and they chased us down with a vengeance,” he said. “But it was the government’s actions that were unforgivable, not this city’s.”“The draconian Pétain government went far beyond the Germans’ expectations, in particular with the deportation of ‘foreign’ Jews, including children, to concentration camps, and they chased us down with a vengeance,” he said. “But it was the government’s actions that were unforgivable, not this city’s.”
Robert O. Paxton, an American historian who has written extensively on “les années noires” (the dark years), also takes issue with the city’s vilification.Robert O. Paxton, an American historian who has written extensively on “les années noires” (the dark years), also takes issue with the city’s vilification.
“The initial decisions to stop the war, and then to accept the armistice, were taken not in Vichy but in Bordeaux,” Dr. Paxton said. “The men who voted full powers to Pétain on July 10, 1940, in Vichy came from all over France. The people of Vichy bore no more responsibility for this vote than any other Frenchmen.”“The initial decisions to stop the war, and then to accept the armistice, were taken not in Vichy but in Bordeaux,” Dr. Paxton said. “The men who voted full powers to Pétain on July 10, 1940, in Vichy came from all over France. The people of Vichy bore no more responsibility for this vote than any other Frenchmen.”
Some say Vichy, rather than trying to ignore its place in history, should embrace it.Some say Vichy, rather than trying to ignore its place in history, should embrace it.
André Leca, 53, a restaurateur, gallerist and self-described cultural agitator, grew up here and said, “Nobody talked about the war years. Ever. It wasn’t acceptable to ask about that period.”André Leca, 53, a restaurateur, gallerist and self-described cultural agitator, grew up here and said, “Nobody talked about the war years. Ever. It wasn’t acceptable to ask about that period.”
“In 1978, when I was 17,” he said, “I was given an English-language copy of Arthur Miller’s play ‘Incident at Vichy.’ I don’t think that there was yet a French translation. By that time, I knew facts about the Vichy regime, but nothing of the psychology of war.”“In 1978, when I was 17,” he said, “I was given an English-language copy of Arthur Miller’s play ‘Incident at Vichy.’ I don’t think that there was yet a French translation. By that time, I knew facts about the Vichy regime, but nothing of the psychology of war.”
Mr. Leca said that led to an idea he has been lobbying for: “a research center in Vichy on resistance, where people from around the world can study resistance movements and come to know that just one single person — perhaps they — who resists wrongs, can make a difference.”Mr. Leca said that led to an idea he has been lobbying for: “a research center in Vichy on resistance, where people from around the world can study resistance movements and come to know that just one single person — perhaps they — who resists wrongs, can make a difference.”
He added: “To those who question, ‘Why Vichy?’ I say, ‘Why not Vichy?’ The French should finally admit that Vichy is not just located in the heart of France, it is the heart of France.”He added: “To those who question, ‘Why Vichy?’ I say, ‘Why not Vichy?’ The French should finally admit that Vichy is not just located in the heart of France, it is the heart of France.”