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Talks on Britain’s Future in European Union Echo the Past Echoes of the Past as David Cameron Enters Talks on Britain’s Future in European Union
(about 7 hours later)
LONDON — The British prime minister holds high-stakes talks before a crucial referendum on whether to abandon European integration. Though distracted by other problems, the German chancellor tries to help him out. Back home, British critics snipe, hoping the negotiations will collapse.LONDON — The British prime minister holds high-stakes talks before a crucial referendum on whether to abandon European integration. Though distracted by other problems, the German chancellor tries to help him out. Back home, British critics snipe, hoping the negotiations will collapse.
That is broadly the position faced by Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain this week as he enters delicate discussions over his country’s membership terms in the European Union, ahead of a plebiscite on whether to quit the bloc.That is broadly the position faced by Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain this week as he enters delicate discussions over his country’s membership terms in the European Union, ahead of a plebiscite on whether to quit the bloc.
But it was also the situation more than four decades ago, when Britons last had the opportunity to vote on their European destiny. And pro-Europeans are hoping that history will repeat itself.But it was also the situation more than four decades ago, when Britons last had the opportunity to vote on their European destiny. And pro-Europeans are hoping that history will repeat itself.
Under pressure from critics of European integration within his Conservative Party, Mr. Cameron has promised to hold a referendum by the end of 2017, and at a summit meeting in Brussels on Thursday he will press for a “better deal” from partners on the Continent.Under pressure from critics of European integration within his Conservative Party, Mr. Cameron has promised to hold a referendum by the end of 2017, and at a summit meeting in Brussels on Thursday he will press for a “better deal” from partners on the Continent.
At stake is not just Britain’s membership in the 28-nation bloc, but also perhaps the future of European integration, because the union can ill afford the shock that a British exit would bring.At stake is not just Britain’s membership in the 28-nation bloc, but also perhaps the future of European integration, because the union can ill afford the shock that a British exit would bring.
Mr. Cameron, who is seeking concessions from the other European nations that would help assure that British voters choose to stay in the union, has borrowed heavily on tactics deployed in 1974 and 1975 when Prime Minister Harold Wilson used a similar approach to keep Britain in the bloc, then called the European Economic Community.Mr. Cameron, who is seeking concessions from the other European nations that would help assure that British voters choose to stay in the union, has borrowed heavily on tactics deployed in 1974 and 1975 when Prime Minister Harold Wilson used a similar approach to keep Britain in the bloc, then called the European Economic Community.
As now, Britain’s governing party was split over Europe at the time (it was Labour four decades ago, the Conservatives now), and the referendum pledge helped paper over divisions.As now, Britain’s governing party was split over Europe at the time (it was Labour four decades ago, the Conservatives now), and the referendum pledge helped paper over divisions.
In 1974, Germany was crucial in the negotiation, but it was preoccupied by other issues: Then, it was the economic fallout from the oil price surge; now, it is the influx of a million migrants this year and the aftershocks of the debt crisis in the 19-nation eurozone.In 1974, Germany was crucial in the negotiation, but it was preoccupied by other issues: Then, it was the economic fallout from the oil price surge; now, it is the influx of a million migrants this year and the aftershocks of the debt crisis in the 19-nation eurozone.
But by the spring of 1975, talks had concluded successfully, and Britons voted later that year to stay in a bloc that they had joined just two years earlier.But by the spring of 1975, talks had concluded successfully, and Britons voted later that year to stay in a bloc that they had joined just two years earlier.
In one sense, current British diplomats have things easy because, while the Conservative Party may be divided on Europe, those who openly want to leave the bloc are not prominent in government ministries. That was not the case in 1974-75, when some senior Labour ministers hoped the renegotiation would fail so that Britain would leave.In one sense, current British diplomats have things easy because, while the Conservative Party may be divided on Europe, those who openly want to leave the bloc are not prominent in government ministries. That was not the case in 1974-75, when some senior Labour ministers hoped the renegotiation would fail so that Britain would leave.
In a confidential internal report on the 1974-75 negotiation, only recently published, a senior British official, Nicholas Spreckley, wrote, “There was throughout the sensation of living in dangerous times and success seemed very far away.”In a confidential internal report on the 1974-75 negotiation, only recently published, a senior British official, Nicholas Spreckley, wrote, “There was throughout the sensation of living in dangerous times and success seemed very far away.”
The demands in the 1970s included a mechanism to lower British budgetary contributions, changes in agricultural policy and concessions for exporters of farm products from former British colonies like New Zealand (to which the British felt special ties).The demands in the 1970s included a mechanism to lower British budgetary contributions, changes in agricultural policy and concessions for exporters of farm products from former British colonies like New Zealand (to which the British felt special ties).
Bernard Donoughue, a close aide to Mr. Wilson at the time and now a member of the House of Lords, recalled that “it was not anticipated that Europe would make major concessions, because it is in the nature of the beast that they cannot without major treaty change.” Changing a treaty is even harder now, he added, because all 28 nations need to ratify a new one.Bernard Donoughue, a close aide to Mr. Wilson at the time and now a member of the House of Lords, recalled that “it was not anticipated that Europe would make major concessions, because it is in the nature of the beast that they cannot without major treaty change.” Changing a treaty is even harder now, he added, because all 28 nations need to ratify a new one.
“We targeted a couple of key areas where we knew we would get something,” Lord Donoughue said.“We targeted a couple of key areas where we knew we would get something,” Lord Donoughue said.
Mr. Cameron’s objectives include an end to Britain’s obligation to forge an “ever closer union,” measures to increase economic competitiveness, greater powers for national parliaments to block European legislation, and guarantees that Britain — which uses the pound instead of the euro — will not be materially disadvantaged.Mr. Cameron’s objectives include an end to Britain’s obligation to forge an “ever closer union,” measures to increase economic competitiveness, greater powers for national parliaments to block European legislation, and guarantees that Britain — which uses the pound instead of the euro — will not be materially disadvantaged.
Mr. Cameron also wants to restrict welfare benefits for European Union citizens who come to Britain to work, until they have lived in the country for four years. That is highly contentious because it threatens to breach the rule that no European Union country should discriminate against the citizens of another.Mr. Cameron also wants to restrict welfare benefits for European Union citizens who come to Britain to work, until they have lived in the country for four years. That is highly contentious because it threatens to breach the rule that no European Union country should discriminate against the citizens of another.
David Hannay, a member of the House of Lords and a former British diplomat, said that, as in 1974, the dispute today involves a split within the governing party. And then as now, the other European countries generally wanted Britain to stay but were unwilling to make wholesale changes to accommodate British demands — and had bigger problems of their own.David Hannay, a member of the House of Lords and a former British diplomat, said that, as in 1974, the dispute today involves a split within the governing party. And then as now, the other European countries generally wanted Britain to stay but were unwilling to make wholesale changes to accommodate British demands — and had bigger problems of their own.
“But one of the main differences was that Britain had only joined in January 1973; if we had left in 1975, nothing much would have changed,” Lord Hannay said, adding that Britain is now far more integrated into the bloc.“But one of the main differences was that Britain had only joined in January 1973; if we had left in 1975, nothing much would have changed,” Lord Hannay said, adding that Britain is now far more integrated into the bloc.
Sir Stephen Wall, a former British diplomat and historian of Britain’s relationship with the European Union, said that Mr. Wilson achieved little on his central demands. The concession on British budget contributions never helped, and the whole issue resurfaced a decade later under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Few substantial changes to European agriculture were achieved, and Britain asked for guarantees against several things that were never likely to happen anyway.Sir Stephen Wall, a former British diplomat and historian of Britain’s relationship with the European Union, said that Mr. Wilson achieved little on his central demands. The concession on British budget contributions never helped, and the whole issue resurfaced a decade later under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Few substantial changes to European agriculture were achieved, and Britain asked for guarantees against several things that were never likely to happen anyway.
Mr. Cameron may be in a stronger position, Sir Stephen added, because “I think our partners would have been less reluctant to see us go then than they would now, partly because our economy was weaker then.”Mr. Cameron may be in a stronger position, Sir Stephen added, because “I think our partners would have been less reluctant to see us go then than they would now, partly because our economy was weaker then.”
For Mr. Cameron, success may ultimately depend on his chemistry with other leaders, and he has worked hard to cultivate ties with the German chancellor, Angela Merkel. Four decades ago, Chancellor Helmut Schmidt played a crucial role, both by wooing some skeptical Labour Party members with an accomplished pro-European speech at a party congress, and by smoothing diplomatic relations between Britain and France, then a dominant force in the bloc.For Mr. Cameron, success may ultimately depend on his chemistry with other leaders, and he has worked hard to cultivate ties with the German chancellor, Angela Merkel. Four decades ago, Chancellor Helmut Schmidt played a crucial role, both by wooing some skeptical Labour Party members with an accomplished pro-European speech at a party congress, and by smoothing diplomatic relations between Britain and France, then a dominant force in the bloc.
Yet a warning to Mr. Cameron reverberates through the decades from Mr. Spreckley’s confidential note.Yet a warning to Mr. Cameron reverberates through the decades from Mr. Spreckley’s confidential note.
In 1974, he wrote, other European nations “attached importance to British membership, but they were not prepared to compromise on the principles of the Community in order to maintain it.”In 1974, he wrote, other European nations “attached importance to British membership, but they were not prepared to compromise on the principles of the Community in order to maintain it.”
In a phrase that rings as true now as it ever did, he added that it was “almost impossible to guess how much they would be prepared to give way.”In a phrase that rings as true now as it ever did, he added that it was “almost impossible to guess how much they would be prepared to give way.”