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| Helmut Schmidt, Assertive West German Chancellor, Dies at 96 | Helmut Schmidt, Assertive West German Chancellor, Dies at 96 |
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| Helmut Schmidt, the former West German chancellor who marshaled personal dynamism, managerial brilliance and often acid-tongued impatience to push his country into an assertive international role as the Cold War dragged on into the 1970s, died on Tuesday at his home in Hamburg. He was 96. | |
| His death was confirmed by Teresa Maria Frei, spokeswoman for Die Zeit, where Mr. Schmidt was co-publisher. | His death was confirmed by Teresa Maria Frei, spokeswoman for Die Zeit, where Mr. Schmidt was co-publisher. |
| In a statement, Chancellor Angela Merkel said she had visited Mr. Schmidt in his home less than a year ago and praised him as “a political institution” and a source of “advice and judgment I valued.” | |
| Ms. Schmidt, a Social Democrat, had not shied from criticizing her policies. Ms. Merkel heads the conservative Christian Democratic Union. | |
| For decades he was one of West Germany’s most popular politicians. With a firm jaw and intense gray eyes, he was handsome, witty and supremely self-possessed. In public he was a magnetic speaker and a pugnacious debater. (Early in his career, he was known as “Schmidt the Lip.”) As recently as 2013, in a poll by Stern magazine, he was ranked as Germany’s most significant chancellor. | |
| “We Germans have lost a father figure,” said Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, one of a generation of Social Democratic leaders formed by Mr. Schmidt, Willy Brandt and the pursuit of détente with the Soviet bloc in the 1970s. | |
| Mr. Schmidt’s life all but traced the history of 20th-century Germany. A son of working-class Hamburg, he was born in the wake of Germany’s humiliating defeat in World War I, witnessed the rise of the Nazis, joined the Hitler Youth, served in Hitler’s army — while hiding the fact that he had a Jewish grandfather — and emerged politically in a postwar Germany divided against itself. | Mr. Schmidt’s life all but traced the history of 20th-century Germany. A son of working-class Hamburg, he was born in the wake of Germany’s humiliating defeat in World War I, witnessed the rise of the Nazis, joined the Hitler Youth, served in Hitler’s army — while hiding the fact that he had a Jewish grandfather — and emerged politically in a postwar Germany divided against itself. |
| Mr. Schmidt rode a difficult period as chancellor after being elected in 1974: The global economy was in turmoil, and tensions with the Communist east had not slackened. And unlike his more accommodating predecessors, he openly jousted with the United States over global economics and relations with the Soviet Union. He barely concealed his disdain for President Jimmy Carter, a novice in international affairs, and his wariness of a bellicose President Ronald Reagan. | Mr. Schmidt rode a difficult period as chancellor after being elected in 1974: The global economy was in turmoil, and tensions with the Communist east had not slackened. And unlike his more accommodating predecessors, he openly jousted with the United States over global economics and relations with the Soviet Union. He barely concealed his disdain for President Jimmy Carter, a novice in international affairs, and his wariness of a bellicose President Ronald Reagan. |
| At home, he compelled his left-leaning Social Democratic Party to embrace pro-business policies and to support the buildup of the West German armed forces into a bulwark of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. | At home, he compelled his left-leaning Social Democratic Party to embrace pro-business policies and to support the buildup of the West German armed forces into a bulwark of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. |
| At the same time, he pressed the Federal Republic of Germany to forge closer ties with the Communist regime in East Germany. | At the same time, he pressed the Federal Republic of Germany to forge closer ties with the Communist regime in East Germany. |
| And working with his close friend President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing of France, he helped soften European distrust of his country for its Nazi past — a past that to many of its survivors was still fresh in painful memory 30 years on. | And working with his close friend President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing of France, he helped soften European distrust of his country for its Nazi past — a past that to many of its survivors was still fresh in painful memory 30 years on. |
| (Meanwhile, a cigarette smoker almost to the end of his life, he was the only public figure in Germany allowed to disregard smoking bans.) | (Meanwhile, a cigarette smoker almost to the end of his life, he was the only public figure in Germany allowed to disregard smoking bans.) |
| Mr. Schmidt made grievous policy errors, which were compounded by his unwillingness to admit fallibility and his seeming disregard for diplomacy, with allies and foes alike. They were failings that led the Bundestag, Germany’s parliament, to dismiss him after eight years in office. | Mr. Schmidt made grievous policy errors, which were compounded by his unwillingness to admit fallibility and his seeming disregard for diplomacy, with allies and foes alike. They were failings that led the Bundestag, Germany’s parliament, to dismiss him after eight years in office. |
| His detractors accused him of being overwilling to accommodate Moscow in his desire to salvage détente, the notion, backed avidly by West Germany and France, that stronger economic and political ties with the Russians would entice them into a smoother relationship with the West. | His detractors accused him of being overwilling to accommodate Moscow in his desire to salvage détente, the notion, backed avidly by West Germany and France, that stronger economic and political ties with the Russians would entice them into a smoother relationship with the West. |
| Moreover, his intemperate criticism of Washington promoted neutralist, anti-American tendencies in his Social Democratic Party, which only helped undermine his chancellorship. | Moreover, his intemperate criticism of Washington promoted neutralist, anti-American tendencies in his Social Democratic Party, which only helped undermine his chancellorship. |
| Mr. Schmidt was confident — too confident, some said — about his ability to sustain prosperity in West Germany. Under his stewardship, his nation fared better than the rest of Europe during the 1970s economic crisis, which was provoked by a sharp rise in petroleum prices controlled by OPEC, the cartel of major oil-exporting countries. But he was criticized in the early 1980s as having failed to prepare West Germans for a recession. | Mr. Schmidt was confident — too confident, some said — about his ability to sustain prosperity in West Germany. Under his stewardship, his nation fared better than the rest of Europe during the 1970s economic crisis, which was provoked by a sharp rise in petroleum prices controlled by OPEC, the cartel of major oil-exporting countries. But he was criticized in the early 1980s as having failed to prepare West Germans for a recession. |
| Still, Mr. Schmidt remained popular, owing in no small part to the affection West Germans felt for his down-to-earth wife, Hannelore Schmidt. A biologist and amateur botanist, she eschewed ceremony in favor of promoting conservation and protecting endangered plants. Flowers in Latin America and Africa were named after her, and she wrote or co-wrote books on plants and ecology. She died in 2010 at 91. | Still, Mr. Schmidt remained popular, owing in no small part to the affection West Germans felt for his down-to-earth wife, Hannelore Schmidt. A biologist and amateur botanist, she eschewed ceremony in favor of promoting conservation and protecting endangered plants. Flowers in Latin America and Africa were named after her, and she wrote or co-wrote books on plants and ecology. She died in 2010 at 91. |
| Mr. Schmidt might have been able to survive politically if he had antagonized opponents less. But in the Bundestag he was resented for his attacks on legislators who disagreed with him. | Mr. Schmidt might have been able to survive politically if he had antagonized opponents less. But in the Bundestag he was resented for his attacks on legislators who disagreed with him. |
| In 1982, a parliamentary majority voted him out of office by passing a no-confidence motion and replaced him with Helmut Kohl, leader of the conservative Christian Democratic Party. It was the first time that the Bundestag had removed a German chancellor since the end of World War II. | In 1982, a parliamentary majority voted him out of office by passing a no-confidence motion and replaced him with Helmut Kohl, leader of the conservative Christian Democratic Party. It was the first time that the Bundestag had removed a German chancellor since the end of World War II. |
| Even after his downfall, Mr. Schmidt was unapologetic about his perceived arrogance. In a 1986 speech on his retirement from the Bundestag, he noted that unemployment had continued to climb under Chancellor Kohl. Then, facing Mr. Kohl, he asserted that the real jobless rate “would be a little higher if you hadn’t manipulated the numbers a little downward.” | Even after his downfall, Mr. Schmidt was unapologetic about his perceived arrogance. In a 1986 speech on his retirement from the Bundestag, he noted that unemployment had continued to climb under Chancellor Kohl. Then, facing Mr. Kohl, he asserted that the real jobless rate “would be a little higher if you hadn’t manipulated the numbers a little downward.” |
| Nearing retirement, Mr. Schmidt spent much of his time in his native port city of Hamburg. He wrote a memoir and occasional articles in which he continued to defend his outspoken exchanges with American presidents and politicians. | Nearing retirement, Mr. Schmidt spent much of his time in his native port city of Hamburg. He wrote a memoir and occasional articles in which he continued to defend his outspoken exchanges with American presidents and politicians. |
| “I have always regarded myself as a reliable friend of the United States, but never have I misunderstood an alliance to be a system of control and command,” he said in a 1984 interview with The New York Times. “It’s rather a system of advice and consent, if I may borrow a phrase from your Constitution.” | “I have always regarded myself as a reliable friend of the United States, but never have I misunderstood an alliance to be a system of control and command,” he said in a 1984 interview with The New York Times. “It’s rather a system of advice and consent, if I may borrow a phrase from your Constitution.” |
| Helmut Heinrich Waldemar Schmidt was born Dec. 23, 1918, in Barmbek, a working-class district of Hamburg. His father, Gustav, was a schoolteacher; his mother, Ludovica, was an artistically gifted homemaker. | Helmut Heinrich Waldemar Schmidt was born Dec. 23, 1918, in Barmbek, a working-class district of Hamburg. His father, Gustav, was a schoolteacher; his mother, Ludovica, was an artistically gifted homemaker. |
| Behind this facade of bourgeois rectitude there was a family secret, one he revealed long afterward. “I had a Jewish grandfather,” he told The New York Times Magazine at the end of a long interview in 1984. By falsifying documents, he explained, he and his father had hid the truth from the Nazi authorities. | Behind this facade of bourgeois rectitude there was a family secret, one he revealed long afterward. “I had a Jewish grandfather,” he told The New York Times Magazine at the end of a long interview in 1984. By falsifying documents, he explained, he and his father had hid the truth from the Nazi authorities. |
| With Hitler rising to power in 1933, Helmut Schmidt joined the Hitler Youth, and in 1937 he was drafted into the German Army. After the war began in 1939, he became a first lieutenant in an antiaircraft artillery battery on the Russian front and was awarded the Iron Cross. He and Hannelore Glaser, who was known as Loki, married in 1942. They had known each other since they were schoolchildren. They had a daughter, Susanne. | With Hitler rising to power in 1933, Helmut Schmidt joined the Hitler Youth, and in 1937 he was drafted into the German Army. After the war began in 1939, he became a first lieutenant in an antiaircraft artillery battery on the Russian front and was awarded the Iron Cross. He and Hannelore Glaser, who was known as Loki, married in 1942. They had known each other since they were schoolchildren. They had a daughter, Susanne. |
| After the war, he enrolled at the University of Hamburg, obtaining a degree in political economy in 1949, and his wife became a schoolteacher. | After the war, he enrolled at the University of Hamburg, obtaining a degree in political economy in 1949, and his wife became a schoolteacher. |
| While still a student, Mr. Schmidt joined the Social Democratic Party and took a job in Hamburg’s municipal government in 1948. Five years later, he was elected to the Bundestag in Bonn, the West German capital. | While still a student, Mr. Schmidt joined the Social Democratic Party and took a job in Hamburg’s municipal government in 1948. Five years later, he was elected to the Bundestag in Bonn, the West German capital. |
| Early on he established himself as a conservative, pragmatic maverick in the left-leaning Social Democratic mainstream. He supported West German rearmament in the 1950s, for instance, while most party colleagues opposed it. | Early on he established himself as a conservative, pragmatic maverick in the left-leaning Social Democratic mainstream. He supported West German rearmament in the 1950s, for instance, while most party colleagues opposed it. |
| Bored with the Bundestag, he returned to Hamburg in 1961 and became the city’s interior minister. Early the next year, while the mayor was away on vacation, Mr. Schmidt vaulted into national prominence by supervising the emergency response to a calamitous flood in which at least 300 people drowned, victims of heavy rains that had sent a swollen Elbe River pouring over its dikes. Even after the mayor hurried back to the city, Mr. Schmidt relegated him to the sideline while remaining in charge on the ground. | Bored with the Bundestag, he returned to Hamburg in 1961 and became the city’s interior minister. Early the next year, while the mayor was away on vacation, Mr. Schmidt vaulted into national prominence by supervising the emergency response to a calamitous flood in which at least 300 people drowned, victims of heavy rains that had sent a swollen Elbe River pouring over its dikes. Even after the mayor hurried back to the city, Mr. Schmidt relegated him to the sideline while remaining in charge on the ground. |
| (In her statement, Chancellor Merkel, a native of Hamburg, described a childhood memory of Mr. Schmidt in command of the emergency response.) | |
| Mr. Schmidt returned to the Bundestag in 1965, becoming an expert on defense policy. He also drew closer to the views of Mr. Brandt, the Social Democratic Party leader, who wanted to normalize relations between West and East Germany. | Mr. Schmidt returned to the Bundestag in 1965, becoming an expert on defense policy. He also drew closer to the views of Mr. Brandt, the Social Democratic Party leader, who wanted to normalize relations between West and East Germany. |
| In 1969, after the Social Democrats gained power, Chancellor Brandt appointed Mr. Schmidt defense minister, and any lingering doubts about the willingness of the anti-militarist Social Democrats to reconcile themselves with the armed forces soon vanished. Military spending increased and weaponry was modernized. | In 1969, after the Social Democrats gained power, Chancellor Brandt appointed Mr. Schmidt defense minister, and any lingering doubts about the willingness of the anti-militarist Social Democrats to reconcile themselves with the armed forces soon vanished. Military spending increased and weaponry was modernized. |
| While Mr. Brandt concentrated on improving diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Mr. Schmidt embraced a strong and continued United States military presence in Europe. In 1974, at his insistence, West Germany agreed to underwrite the stationing of American troops in the country. | While Mr. Brandt concentrated on improving diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, Mr. Schmidt embraced a strong and continued United States military presence in Europe. In 1974, at his insistence, West Germany agreed to underwrite the stationing of American troops in the country. |
| By then he had become finance minister. Appointed in 1972, he sought to make the left-wing Social Democrats understand that West Germany’s open-armed system of social benefits could be financed only by a thriving capitalist economy. | By then he had become finance minister. Appointed in 1972, he sought to make the left-wing Social Democrats understand that West Germany’s open-armed system of social benefits could be financed only by a thriving capitalist economy. |
| It was as finance minister that Mr. Schmidt and his French counterpart, Mr. Giscard d’Estaing, developed a friendship and political alliance that would determine the balance of power in Western Europe. | It was as finance minister that Mr. Schmidt and his French counterpart, Mr. Giscard d’Estaing, developed a friendship and political alliance that would determine the balance of power in Western Europe. |
| They seemed a mismatched pair. Mr. Giscard d’Estaing was tall, aristocratic and politically conservative; Mr. Schmidt was short, devoid of social pretensions and a leader of a center-left party. But both had lightning intelligence, technical expertise and a proclivity to believe that they were always right. Most important, they shared a vision — of Western Europe under French-German leadership moving toward economic integration. | They seemed a mismatched pair. Mr. Giscard d’Estaing was tall, aristocratic and politically conservative; Mr. Schmidt was short, devoid of social pretensions and a leader of a center-left party. But both had lightning intelligence, technical expertise and a proclivity to believe that they were always right. Most important, they shared a vision — of Western Europe under French-German leadership moving toward economic integration. |
| Mr. Schmidt’s path to the pinnacle of power was cleared in 1974, when Mr. Brandt resigned in a scandal in which a close adviser had been revealed to be an East German spy. A few days later, on May 16, 1974, Mr. Schmidt became the fifth chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany. His first trip abroad was to Paris, to meet with the new French president, Mr. Giscard d’Estaing. Unable to speak each other’s language, they conversed in English. | Mr. Schmidt’s path to the pinnacle of power was cleared in 1974, when Mr. Brandt resigned in a scandal in which a close adviser had been revealed to be an East German spy. A few days later, on May 16, 1974, Mr. Schmidt became the fifth chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany. His first trip abroad was to Paris, to meet with the new French president, Mr. Giscard d’Estaing. Unable to speak each other’s language, they conversed in English. |
| French-German unity had been a cornerstone of West European economic and foreign policy since the end of World War II. The prevailing view was that West Germany offered economic strength, while France provided a confident voice on foreign affairs — one that the West Germans, hesitant to speak out so soon after the Hitler era, eagerly welcomed. | French-German unity had been a cornerstone of West European economic and foreign policy since the end of World War II. The prevailing view was that West Germany offered economic strength, while France provided a confident voice on foreign affairs — one that the West Germans, hesitant to speak out so soon after the Hitler era, eagerly welcomed. |
| The more pragmatic, if not cynical, take on the relationship was that it allowed the French to keep close tabs on a historic rival and Germans to rid themselves of the Nazi stigma. | The more pragmatic, if not cynical, take on the relationship was that it allowed the French to keep close tabs on a historic rival and Germans to rid themselves of the Nazi stigma. |
| The Schmidt-Giscard d’Estaing bond went beyond pragmatism, however. They spoke often by phone and made unannounced visits to each other. At international conferences they usually sat side by side, whispering to each other as they shaped common positions. | The Schmidt-Giscard d’Estaing bond went beyond pragmatism, however. They spoke often by phone and made unannounced visits to each other. At international conferences they usually sat side by side, whispering to each other as they shaped common positions. |
| Their cooperation had notable results. They pushed for the establishment of the European Council, in which heads of governments met regularly. They backed the European monetary system, which in 1999 finally led to the creation of a common currency, the euro, for members of the European Union. | Their cooperation had notable results. They pushed for the establishment of the European Council, in which heads of governments met regularly. They backed the European monetary system, which in 1999 finally led to the creation of a common currency, the euro, for members of the European Union. |
| Mr. Schmidt’s early years as chancellor were successful at home as well. Under his leadership, West Germany skillfully handled the sharp rise in oil prices that began in 1973. Despite a huge bill for oil imports, the country built a record trade surplus, in large part because it had done a better job at controlling inflation than its trade partners had. | Mr. Schmidt’s early years as chancellor were successful at home as well. Under his leadership, West Germany skillfully handled the sharp rise in oil prices that began in 1973. Despite a huge bill for oil imports, the country built a record trade surplus, in large part because it had done a better job at controlling inflation than its trade partners had. |
| Mr. Schmidt also proved effective in dealing with a West German terrorist movement, the Red Army Faction, whose ranks were decimated by arrests after the kidnapping and killing of a German industrialist, Hanns-Martin Schleyer, in the fall of 1977. Mr. Schmidt emerged with the highest public opinion ratings of any German politician since the country’s first postwar chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. | Mr. Schmidt also proved effective in dealing with a West German terrorist movement, the Red Army Faction, whose ranks were decimated by arrests after the kidnapping and killing of a German industrialist, Hanns-Martin Schleyer, in the fall of 1977. Mr. Schmidt emerged with the highest public opinion ratings of any German politician since the country’s first postwar chancellor, Konrad Adenauer. |
| Meanwhile, friction was growing between the United States and West Germany, now in a more balanced and competitive partnership as memories of World War II receded and West German economic prowess asserted itself. One cause of unease in Bonn was a perception that President Carter, elected in 1976, was inexperienced and unpredictable. | Meanwhile, friction was growing between the United States and West Germany, now in a more balanced and competitive partnership as memories of World War II receded and West German economic prowess asserted itself. One cause of unease in Bonn was a perception that President Carter, elected in 1976, was inexperienced and unpredictable. |
| “Personally, he was a very nice man,” Mr. Schmidt said in the 1984 interview with The Times Magazine. “But you couldn’t depend on his carrying through what he had agreed with you to do.” | “Personally, he was a very nice man,” Mr. Schmidt said in the 1984 interview with The Times Magazine. “But you couldn’t depend on his carrying through what he had agreed with you to do.” |
| He considered Washington’s economic polices profligate and inflationary. Only a year into the Carter presidency, the dollar had dropped more than 30 percent against the German mark. | He considered Washington’s economic polices profligate and inflationary. Only a year into the Carter presidency, the dollar had dropped more than 30 percent against the German mark. |
| For his part, Mr. Carter was irritated by what he saw as Bonn’s lack of cooperation on other issues of concern in the United States. A West German nuclear plant deal with Brazil, for example, did not seem to contain ironclad safeguards against the production of nuclear weapons. | For his part, Mr. Carter was irritated by what he saw as Bonn’s lack of cooperation on other issues of concern in the United States. A West German nuclear plant deal with Brazil, for example, did not seem to contain ironclad safeguards against the production of nuclear weapons. |
| The most contentious question was how to cope with the arsenal of Soviet SS-20 nuclear missiles aimed at Western Europe. In December 1979, NATO decided to install American nuclear-armed Pershing and cruise missiles in several Western European countries by 1983 unless the Soviets agreed to remove their SS-20 missiles. | The most contentious question was how to cope with the arsenal of Soviet SS-20 nuclear missiles aimed at Western Europe. In December 1979, NATO decided to install American nuclear-armed Pershing and cruise missiles in several Western European countries by 1983 unless the Soviets agreed to remove their SS-20 missiles. |
| Mr. Schmidt, defying opponents in his own party, agreed to base the bulk of the American weapons in West Germany. But he complained that Washington failed to understand how vehemently West Germans opposed accepting the missiles and how critical it was to overcome that resistance. | Mr. Schmidt, defying opponents in his own party, agreed to base the bulk of the American weapons in West Germany. But he complained that Washington failed to understand how vehemently West Germans opposed accepting the missiles and how critical it was to overcome that resistance. |
| “Think of a situation where an American administration puts 5,000 nuclear rockets in Oregon” — a state roughly the size of West Germany — “and makes plans for adding some hundreds more that could hit the Soviet Union and thereby make Oregon a great target area for Soviet missiles,” he said in a 1982 Times interview. | “Think of a situation where an American administration puts 5,000 nuclear rockets in Oregon” — a state roughly the size of West Germany — “and makes plans for adding some hundreds more that could hit the Soviet Union and thereby make Oregon a great target area for Soviet missiles,” he said in a 1982 Times interview. |
| The Euromissile talks were suspended after the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in December 1979 and President Carter decreed a grain embargo and a boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow. | The Euromissile talks were suspended after the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in December 1979 and President Carter decreed a grain embargo and a boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow. |
| In Europe, only West Germany, Monaco, Norway and Turkey honored the boycott. Though Mr. Schmidt went along with it, he later grumbled that American officials had assured him several times that no boycott would be called. He privately considered it an overreaction. | In Europe, only West Germany, Monaco, Norway and Turkey honored the boycott. Though Mr. Schmidt went along with it, he later grumbled that American officials had assured him several times that no boycott would be called. He privately considered it an overreaction. |
| Relations between Washington and Bonn did not improve after Reagan denied Mr. Carter a second term in 1980. Early on, Reagan took a hard line toward the Soviet Union and scared Europeans by suggesting that the West could win a limited nuclear war. | Relations between Washington and Bonn did not improve after Reagan denied Mr. Carter a second term in 1980. Early on, Reagan took a hard line toward the Soviet Union and scared Europeans by suggesting that the West could win a limited nuclear war. |
| Meanwhile, setbacks at home and abroad had begun sapping Mr. Schmidt’s power. | Meanwhile, setbacks at home and abroad had begun sapping Mr. Schmidt’s power. |
| In France, Mr. Giscard d’Estaing lost his re-election bid in 1981, and though his successor, François Mitterrand, was a socialist with links to members of the West German Social Democratic Party, he and Mr. Schmidt had a cool relationship. Mr. Mitterrand thought Mr. Schmidt had barely masked his support for Mr. Giscard d’Estaing in the election. | In France, Mr. Giscard d’Estaing lost his re-election bid in 1981, and though his successor, François Mitterrand, was a socialist with links to members of the West German Social Democratic Party, he and Mr. Schmidt had a cool relationship. Mr. Mitterrand thought Mr. Schmidt had barely masked his support for Mr. Giscard d’Estaing in the election. |
| At home the economy was in trouble. Signs of stagnation had appeared when Mr. Schmidt won re-election in the fall of 1980, but he had not issued warnings. Now recession had set in, unemployment was rising, and the public was angry. Left-wing Social Democrats were pushing for more state ownership of banks and industry, increased social benefits and subsidies to create jobs — measures anathema to Mr. Schmidt. | At home the economy was in trouble. Signs of stagnation had appeared when Mr. Schmidt won re-election in the fall of 1980, but he had not issued warnings. Now recession had set in, unemployment was rising, and the public was angry. Left-wing Social Democrats were pushing for more state ownership of banks and industry, increased social benefits and subsidies to create jobs — measures anathema to Mr. Schmidt. |
| Suddenly he was out, on a no-confidence vote in the Bundestag. On Oct. 1, 1982, Mr. Kohl, the Christian Democratic Party leader, replaced him. Mr. Schmidt was furious. The legislators, he said, had broken historical precedent by not waiting for a general election. | Suddenly he was out, on a no-confidence vote in the Bundestag. On Oct. 1, 1982, Mr. Kohl, the Christian Democratic Party leader, replaced him. Mr. Schmidt was furious. The legislators, he said, had broken historical precedent by not waiting for a general election. |
| “Your conduct is legal, but it has no inner, no moral justification,” Mr. Schmidt said in the Bundestag. | “Your conduct is legal, but it has no inner, no moral justification,” Mr. Schmidt said in the Bundestag. |
| The Christian Democrats blamed the Social Democrats for Mr. Schmidt’s fall. “None of us spoke so insultingly about you as did some of your own people,” Rainer Barzel, a conservative politician, said to him. | The Christian Democrats blamed the Social Democrats for Mr. Schmidt’s fall. “None of us spoke so insultingly about you as did some of your own people,” Rainer Barzel, a conservative politician, said to him. |
| The country’s rightward shift was confirmed in 1983, when Chancellor Kohl’s conservative coalition dealt the Social Democrats a devastating general-election defeat. | The country’s rightward shift was confirmed in 1983, when Chancellor Kohl’s conservative coalition dealt the Social Democrats a devastating general-election defeat. |
| Out of power, Mr. Schmidt was co-publisher of the respected weekly Die Zeit, which gave him a platform from which to write about current affairs. Nearing 95, he went to Moscow to see old Soviet friends and was invited to a chat with President Vladimir V. Putin. He regained his high personal standings in the polls. And he remained as combative as ever. | Out of power, Mr. Schmidt was co-publisher of the respected weekly Die Zeit, which gave him a platform from which to write about current affairs. Nearing 95, he went to Moscow to see old Soviet friends and was invited to a chat with President Vladimir V. Putin. He regained his high personal standings in the polls. And he remained as combative as ever. |
| Asked to assess his successor, Mr. Kohl, he was characteristically withering. | Asked to assess his successor, Mr. Kohl, he was characteristically withering. |
| “I think there are still two or three fields in which he still needs a lot of education,” he told The Times. Asked which ones, he answered, “International affairs, arms control and military strategy, and economics and finance.” | “I think there are still two or three fields in which he still needs a lot of education,” he told The Times. Asked which ones, he answered, “International affairs, arms control and military strategy, and economics and finance.” |